Indeed, and lets not use fake names invented by fascist Fars government, the real name of "negadeh" is Sulduz, named after a Turkic tribe which settled there during Ilkhanid era.
From Sulduz:
Iran's envoy to Azerbaijan claims Turkey spreading pan-Turkism
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Indeed, and lets not use fake names invented by fascist Fars government, the real name of "negadeh" is Sulduz, named after a Turkic tribe which settled there during Ilkhanid era.
From Sulduz:
Yuuki
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hetq.am
The economy of the Republic of Armenia could "explode" any moment!
Leontiev says Armenia would have been failed state without Russias support
Different publications have been made on integration of Armenia in the Eurasian Union initiated by Russian President Vladimir Putin. Armenian Minister for Economics has had an interview where he talked about the role of Russia in Eurasian integration.
Mikhail Leontiev, Editor-in-Chief of the Odnako magazine, emphasizes that Russia often forces former members of the USSR to reinsure themselves in foreign policy. In case of Armenia, there is no such opportunity for reinsurance.
The expert calls Armenia a perfect example of a failed state, like Kyrgyzstan or Moldova. He believes that Russia is the reason the country still exists. It depends on Russian gas and transfers IMF specialists keep pointing out.
Leontiev reminded that Armenian national support started with attempts to save environment, closing of the nuclear power plant. Armenia won the Nagorno-Karabakh war
The official reminded that Armenia made efforts to liberalize economy and attract investments. But the efforts brought no results. Armenian communities in Europe and the US failed to help stimulate economy. Leontiev says that there is no European alternative for Armenia.
The economy of the Republic of Armenia could "explode" any moment!
Leontiev says Armenia would have been failed state without Russias support
Different publications have been made on integration of Armenia in the Eurasian Union initiated by Russian President Vladimir Putin. Armenian Minister for Economics has had an interview where he talked about the role of Russia in Eurasian integration.
Mikhail Leontiev, Editor-in-Chief of the Odnako magazine, emphasizes that Russia often forces former members of the USSR to reinsure themselves in foreign policy. In case of Armenia, there is no such opportunity for reinsurance.
The expert calls Armenia a perfect example of a failed state, like Kyrgyzstan or Moldova. He believes that Russia is the reason the country still exists. It depends on Russian gas and transfers IMF specialists keep pointing out.
Leontiev reminded that Armenian national support started with attempts to save environment, closing of the nuclear power plant. Armenia won the Nagorno-Karabakh war
The official reminded that Armenia made efforts to liberalize economy and attract investments. But the efforts brought no results. Armenian communities in Europe and the US failed to help stimulate economy. Leontiev says that there is no European alternative for Armenia.
Surenas
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Indeed, and lets not use fake names invented by fascist Fars government, the real name of "negadeh" is Sulduz, named after a Turkic tribe which settled there during Ilkhanid era.
From Sulduz:
You are still getting wet dreams of great Azerbaijan? Never will one inch of Iran being given away.
atatwolf
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Iran will sooner or later have to give up south-Azerbaijan
Azeri people are awakening. They know they are Turk and these videos prove it. Iran will have 5th collumn and they know it!
Azeri people are awakening. They know they are Turk and these videos prove it. Iran will have 5th collumn and they know it!
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Surenas
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Don't get too many expectations; you would only be disappointed.
Surenas
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No, I don't know what you mean deep inside. Every time I walk through Tabriz I only meet Iranian-loving people.
Inspector Spacetime
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Atatwolf, why are you provoking two sides against each other (Azeri's vs Iranians)?
You are doing to Iran what obscure powers have been doing to Turkey for the past 30 years, don't you think that is hypocritical?
I say this with no insult intended nor is it my goal to undermine you in any way but, I honestly feel embarrassed every time I read a lot of your posts.
You are doing to Iran what obscure powers have been doing to Turkey for the past 30 years, don't you think that is hypocritical?
I say this with no insult intended nor is it my goal to undermine you in any way but, I honestly feel embarrassed every time I read a lot of your posts.
atatwolf
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If you stay longer on this forum you will know what kind of people Iran are. Iran has supported PKK for decades. You don't feel anything towards them but you feel contempt towards me? That says more about you than me. Probably you are a Kurd or something(probably an Iranian hiding). I stand behind my national interest, which you don't. Even Iranians of this forum stand behind national interest and support PKK openly. Why don't you feel contempt about that?
I'm unsure about your identity and intentions but I think Iranians do most of provoking and this thread is proof. Even our brothership between Azerbaijan, Iran can't take. They get jealous and try to start a fight between Azerbaijan and Turkey. They either threaten Turkey or Azerbaijan or their generals or ambassadors put out these weird phrases.
And as last, can you please prove you are Turkish by translating the first two sentences of my text?
Hashshāshīn
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Iran is also spreading Shiaism and Persian nationalism. What else is new?
Every country spreads their influence. As someone said before, as long as it is not forced, there's nothing wrong with it.
Every country spreads their influence. As someone said before, as long as it is not forced, there's nothing wrong with it.
Yuuki
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Azerbaijan-Iran Relations: ‘One Nation Two States’ or ‘Enemy Brothers’
Azerbaijani and Iranian leaders often utter the motto of ‘one nation two states’ like those Turkish and Azerbaijani prime ministers and presidents to refer how strong and natural the good realtionships between their respective governments and nations. The motto between Baku and Tehran takes its root from the fact that independent Azerbaijan was once part of Iranian state before Russian invation in early 19th century and the presence of an estimated over 20 million Azerbaijani Turks living in Iran today. As it was during the 1990s, the relationships between the two states have been to a large extent influenced by the Nagorno-Karabakh dispute between Azerbaijan and neighbouring Armenia. Baku has always overtly or covertly expected Iran to pay more attention while developing relations with Armenia to the sensitivity that Azerbaijani government and Azerbaijani Turks have shown on that issue. As if unaware of what Azerbaijan was saying, Iran has continuouly pursued its regional interests mainly shaped and influenced by the problematic realtions between Tehran and capitals of western states, particularly Waswington, D.C. This has then placed the two states, Azerbaijan and Iran, in a confined space in which almost all sorts of their relations are managed in an athmosthere of natural and constant tension.
Even though Iran seems to have been far away from being more considered towards Azerbaijan on the Nagorno-Karabakh issue, it should be accepted that the links between Baku and Tehran have been developed on yearly basis. To be more precise, constant development of the realtionships between the two is in fact caused more by out of necessity rather than by out of their genuine will for cooperation. That is why the more they initiate new cooperation the more they get stuck in to new problems. For instance, Baku and Tehran signed an agreement on the opening of consulate general offices in Tabriz in Iran and Nachichevan region of Azerbaijan when Azerbaijan Popular Front was in power in Azerbaijan. While Azerbaijan allowed Iran to do so in Nakhichevan, Tehran did not deliver the same to Azerbaijan for a long time up until October 2004. And yet, Iranian government gave a green light in January 2008 to Armenia to open its own consulate general in the same Azerbaijani city of Tabriz, a political move which has very much frustrated Baku to this day.
A similar type of problem is nowadays being seen on the issue of mutual visa exemption of the citizens of both countries during their travels to each other. Iran unilaterally removed the visa requirement in November 2009 for Azerbaijanis when they visit to Iran and expects the same move from Azerbaijani government for Iranians. Azerbaijan has however been reluctant to follow the wishes of the Iranian side due to latter’s problematic ralations with the United States, possible challenges of the presence of unchecked and free Iranians in the country and warm relations between Tehran and Yerevan.
Economic relations have also displayed a problematic picture between the two states. Despite the fact that both countries have big potential for economic cooperation, they seems to have been unable to exploit it. Azerbaijan’s trade volume with Iran has always stayed behind the one it has had with either Russia or Turkey or Europe since 2001.
Especially the development of energy resources in the Caspian and their transportation pipelines was and today is an economic area that could have been the bulk of trade between the two sides. This means that development of energy reasources of Azerbaijan including related pipelines which are evolved around economic gains and strategic interests has impacted greatly the way each sees the other. Azerbaijan granted less shares to Iran in the development of its oil and gas projects in the Caspian than those of the western energy companies during both Azerbaijan Popular Front and Heydar Aliyev governments. Even Heyday Aliyev called off % 5 share of the Iranian National Oil Company in the development of Azeri-Chirag-Guneshli oil deposits and gave it to the Exxon company of the US due to the problems between Washington and Tehran. But, having known the strategic importance of Iran, Aliyev granted % 10 share to it for the development of Shah Deniz gas deposits. And yet this move by Azerbaijan remained far short for satisfying Iran and became one of the important reasons why Tehran has always looked the governtments of Heydar Aliyev and his successor, Ilham Aliyev, the son of late President, very suspiciouly.
Neither was the decision of the transportation of Azerbaijani oil and gas resources to international markets taken very easily. Like Turkey and Russia, Iran, too, strived long for having those lines via its territory. Iran insisted that main oil pipeline from ACG would have been much cheaper if it had gone to either Persian Gulf or Ceyhan port of Turkey via Iranian territory. However, all major actors, like the governments of Azerbaijan and the US and Turkey, as well as western oil companies, did not pay much attention to the Iranian option and offers. So, the line that, at the end, appeared as the main oil pipeline named Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan (BTC), followed such a direction that it not only avoided Iranian territory but also deprived Tehran of its economic and strategic benefits. More specifically, such a development meant that Iran would never ever be able to have economic and political means of main oil pipeline that could provide for Tehran with an important leverage over Azerbaijan. Therefore, Iran has always seen that so long as they did not have any important control mechanism against Baku, independent Azerbaijan would get richer and richer in economic terms carrying the potential danger of stirring up Southern Azerbaijani-Turkish ethnic consciousness in Iran- a fear of Tehran that would perhaps come out in the form of more secessionist demands of Azerbaijanis.
Of course all those above do not mean that there is no energy cooperation between Azerbaijan and Tehran. Yes there is, but that cooperation presents such a volume that it cannot be considered strategic. For instance, the two states made a gas swap deal in 2004 for next 25 years period by which Azerbaijan would supply 250 million cubic metres of natural gas to northeastern Iran while Iran was to do the same for Nakhichevan region of Azerbaijan. Also, Iran is willing to provide natural gas for the proposed Nabucco pipeline. Although Iranian participation to Nabucco would give a new impetus to restore the relationships between Azerbaijan, Iran and Turkmenistan, increasing sanctions and pressure of the US against Tehran in international level seems not to let it happen in a short and mid- term.
Alltogether, mainly the dissatisfaction of Iran with the energy and pipeline developments in the Caspian and ‘natural tension’ due to the Southern Azerbaijan issue, have time to time brought Baku and Tehran head to head. One of the examples of these is Iran’s opposition to the delimitation of Caspian water reservoir and sub-soil resources offered by Azerbaijan and some other littoral states. It was this adamant position of Iran that led to the expulsion of seismic research ship of BP-Amaco by Iranian fighter jets and warships in 2001 in the southern part of the Capian over the disputed Araz-Alov-Sharg oil fields. Again, they agreed in 2005 that neither side would permit any third party state to use their respective territories for a military attack directed against the other side. Yet this has still been far away from dispelling security concern of both states posed against each other. It can be said that ongoing status dispute of the Caspian could ignite a flare between the two states, while Iran, the strongest side, is sometimes accused of violating Azerbaijani airspace by fighter jets and helicopters.
Worsening realtionship between Baku and Tehran is also caused by each sides’ search for immediate security support in different, and many ways often opposing, centres in the world. In order to alleviate the security threat posed by the US and Israel, Iran has been developing warm strategic relations with Russia and China. Energy rich Azerbaijan, which sees the Nagorno-Karabakh dispute with Armenia the biggest security problem, has not only earmarked considerable sum of money for defence purposes but also developed relations with Israel and the US in military, technological and economic areas. Today, though Azerbaijan has still refrained from opening an embassy in Israel because of the possible wrath of Iran over such a development, Baku’s increasing links and cooperation with Tel Aviv appears to have still been enough to make Tehran very outraged.
Thus, the Azerbaijani-Iranian relationships has continued in an environment in which there is a ‘constant’ or ‘natural’ tension caused foremost by the issue of divided Azerbaijan. Azerbaijan’s desire to overcome the urgent security threat posed by Armenia has pushed Baku to develop closer relations with Israel and the US. Iran has seen this as a development that cannot be compromised, and looked for alternative tools to control, and if possible weaken, the hands of Azerbaijan. Iran has done it mainly by both developing economic and startegic relationships with Armenia, and staying indifferent to Azerbaijan’s calls for a just solution on the Nagorno-Karabakh issue. So, all these tell that the relationships between Azerbaijan and Iran more resemble the behaviour of ‘enemy brothers’ rather than of ‘one nation’.
Azerbaijani and Iranian leaders often utter the motto of ‘one nation two states’ like those Turkish and Azerbaijani prime ministers and presidents to refer how strong and natural the good realtionships between their respective governments and nations. The motto between Baku and Tehran takes its root from the fact that independent Azerbaijan was once part of Iranian state before Russian invation in early 19th century and the presence of an estimated over 20 million Azerbaijani Turks living in Iran today. As it was during the 1990s, the relationships between the two states have been to a large extent influenced by the Nagorno-Karabakh dispute between Azerbaijan and neighbouring Armenia. Baku has always overtly or covertly expected Iran to pay more attention while developing relations with Armenia to the sensitivity that Azerbaijani government and Azerbaijani Turks have shown on that issue. As if unaware of what Azerbaijan was saying, Iran has continuouly pursued its regional interests mainly shaped and influenced by the problematic realtions between Tehran and capitals of western states, particularly Waswington, D.C. This has then placed the two states, Azerbaijan and Iran, in a confined space in which almost all sorts of their relations are managed in an athmosthere of natural and constant tension.
Even though Iran seems to have been far away from being more considered towards Azerbaijan on the Nagorno-Karabakh issue, it should be accepted that the links between Baku and Tehran have been developed on yearly basis. To be more precise, constant development of the realtionships between the two is in fact caused more by out of necessity rather than by out of their genuine will for cooperation. That is why the more they initiate new cooperation the more they get stuck in to new problems. For instance, Baku and Tehran signed an agreement on the opening of consulate general offices in Tabriz in Iran and Nachichevan region of Azerbaijan when Azerbaijan Popular Front was in power in Azerbaijan. While Azerbaijan allowed Iran to do so in Nakhichevan, Tehran did not deliver the same to Azerbaijan for a long time up until October 2004. And yet, Iranian government gave a green light in January 2008 to Armenia to open its own consulate general in the same Azerbaijani city of Tabriz, a political move which has very much frustrated Baku to this day.
A similar type of problem is nowadays being seen on the issue of mutual visa exemption of the citizens of both countries during their travels to each other. Iran unilaterally removed the visa requirement in November 2009 for Azerbaijanis when they visit to Iran and expects the same move from Azerbaijani government for Iranians. Azerbaijan has however been reluctant to follow the wishes of the Iranian side due to latter’s problematic ralations with the United States, possible challenges of the presence of unchecked and free Iranians in the country and warm relations between Tehran and Yerevan.
Economic relations have also displayed a problematic picture between the two states. Despite the fact that both countries have big potential for economic cooperation, they seems to have been unable to exploit it. Azerbaijan’s trade volume with Iran has always stayed behind the one it has had with either Russia or Turkey or Europe since 2001.
Especially the development of energy resources in the Caspian and their transportation pipelines was and today is an economic area that could have been the bulk of trade between the two sides. This means that development of energy reasources of Azerbaijan including related pipelines which are evolved around economic gains and strategic interests has impacted greatly the way each sees the other. Azerbaijan granted less shares to Iran in the development of its oil and gas projects in the Caspian than those of the western energy companies during both Azerbaijan Popular Front and Heydar Aliyev governments. Even Heyday Aliyev called off % 5 share of the Iranian National Oil Company in the development of Azeri-Chirag-Guneshli oil deposits and gave it to the Exxon company of the US due to the problems between Washington and Tehran. But, having known the strategic importance of Iran, Aliyev granted % 10 share to it for the development of Shah Deniz gas deposits. And yet this move by Azerbaijan remained far short for satisfying Iran and became one of the important reasons why Tehran has always looked the governtments of Heydar Aliyev and his successor, Ilham Aliyev, the son of late President, very suspiciouly.
Neither was the decision of the transportation of Azerbaijani oil and gas resources to international markets taken very easily. Like Turkey and Russia, Iran, too, strived long for having those lines via its territory. Iran insisted that main oil pipeline from ACG would have been much cheaper if it had gone to either Persian Gulf or Ceyhan port of Turkey via Iranian territory. However, all major actors, like the governments of Azerbaijan and the US and Turkey, as well as western oil companies, did not pay much attention to the Iranian option and offers. So, the line that, at the end, appeared as the main oil pipeline named Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan (BTC), followed such a direction that it not only avoided Iranian territory but also deprived Tehran of its economic and strategic benefits. More specifically, such a development meant that Iran would never ever be able to have economic and political means of main oil pipeline that could provide for Tehran with an important leverage over Azerbaijan. Therefore, Iran has always seen that so long as they did not have any important control mechanism against Baku, independent Azerbaijan would get richer and richer in economic terms carrying the potential danger of stirring up Southern Azerbaijani-Turkish ethnic consciousness in Iran- a fear of Tehran that would perhaps come out in the form of more secessionist demands of Azerbaijanis.
Of course all those above do not mean that there is no energy cooperation between Azerbaijan and Tehran. Yes there is, but that cooperation presents such a volume that it cannot be considered strategic. For instance, the two states made a gas swap deal in 2004 for next 25 years period by which Azerbaijan would supply 250 million cubic metres of natural gas to northeastern Iran while Iran was to do the same for Nakhichevan region of Azerbaijan. Also, Iran is willing to provide natural gas for the proposed Nabucco pipeline. Although Iranian participation to Nabucco would give a new impetus to restore the relationships between Azerbaijan, Iran and Turkmenistan, increasing sanctions and pressure of the US against Tehran in international level seems not to let it happen in a short and mid- term.
Alltogether, mainly the dissatisfaction of Iran with the energy and pipeline developments in the Caspian and ‘natural tension’ due to the Southern Azerbaijan issue, have time to time brought Baku and Tehran head to head. One of the examples of these is Iran’s opposition to the delimitation of Caspian water reservoir and sub-soil resources offered by Azerbaijan and some other littoral states. It was this adamant position of Iran that led to the expulsion of seismic research ship of BP-Amaco by Iranian fighter jets and warships in 2001 in the southern part of the Capian over the disputed Araz-Alov-Sharg oil fields. Again, they agreed in 2005 that neither side would permit any third party state to use their respective territories for a military attack directed against the other side. Yet this has still been far away from dispelling security concern of both states posed against each other. It can be said that ongoing status dispute of the Caspian could ignite a flare between the two states, while Iran, the strongest side, is sometimes accused of violating Azerbaijani airspace by fighter jets and helicopters.
Worsening realtionship between Baku and Tehran is also caused by each sides’ search for immediate security support in different, and many ways often opposing, centres in the world. In order to alleviate the security threat posed by the US and Israel, Iran has been developing warm strategic relations with Russia and China. Energy rich Azerbaijan, which sees the Nagorno-Karabakh dispute with Armenia the biggest security problem, has not only earmarked considerable sum of money for defence purposes but also developed relations with Israel and the US in military, technological and economic areas. Today, though Azerbaijan has still refrained from opening an embassy in Israel because of the possible wrath of Iran over such a development, Baku’s increasing links and cooperation with Tel Aviv appears to have still been enough to make Tehran very outraged.
Thus, the Azerbaijani-Iranian relationships has continued in an environment in which there is a ‘constant’ or ‘natural’ tension caused foremost by the issue of divided Azerbaijan. Azerbaijan’s desire to overcome the urgent security threat posed by Armenia has pushed Baku to develop closer relations with Israel and the US. Iran has seen this as a development that cannot be compromised, and looked for alternative tools to control, and if possible weaken, the hands of Azerbaijan. Iran has done it mainly by both developing economic and startegic relationships with Armenia, and staying indifferent to Azerbaijan’s calls for a just solution on the Nagorno-Karabakh issue. So, all these tell that the relationships between Azerbaijan and Iran more resemble the behaviour of ‘enemy brothers’ rather than of ‘one nation’.
mehmeTcc
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Atawolf, Aliyev is a SOB, wonder why do you love him so much?
ebulfez elçibey - ek
ebulfez elçibey - ek
Inspector Spacetime
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I get more upset coming from you because you represent my country, and effectively represent me.
Even if what you are saying is true, that Iranians support PKK, do you have to do the same? Is it wrong of me to expect better from you? Btw, it is not our national interest to provoke people against each other, so stop making Turkey look like an evil puppet master. It is in Turkey's best interest to have all of it's neighboring country's to be prosperous, to have the region prosperous, so Turkey itself can grow and expand on it's own prosperity.
You can speculate all you want on if I'm Turkish or not, it doesn't phase me. I don't have to prove anything to you.
MertKaan
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kafanıza soksanız artık orada azeri diye bir halkda yok millette yok onlar türktür ..
yüzde % 70 i de fars yalakasıdır ..
farsların dedigi gibi de kuzeydeki azerbaycan aslında aliyevbaycandır
yüzde % 70 i de fars yalakasıdır ..
farsların dedigi gibi de kuzeydeki azerbaycan aslında aliyevbaycandır
BronzePlaque
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Dont try to argue with him in a rational way..You will be disappointed..If you dont buy his BS, you are whether a traitor or of someone with other nationality rather than a Turk..Its better to ignore him...If i remember correctly he even wanted to assasinate @TurAr
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