TNI smart power, more than just hard and soft power
Frederick Situmorang, Jakarta | Opinion | Wed, April 17 2013, 11:26 AM
Smart power is a not-so-new concept in global politics. In fact, it was introduced in the early 1990s. Smart power is the continuation of soft power as an alternative power that can change the traditional paradigm about the balancing of hard power between countries. Thus,
smart power is a mixture of both hard and soft elements of power.
Nevertheless, smart power has recently attracted more studies and exploration, and smart power as a buzzword is becoming used more often by countries elites and political leaders. Hillary Clinton, for example, in her farewell address called for the need of smart power for contemporary and future US foreign policy. She emphasized that it was necessary not because US power was declining; rather, the power as well as threats were diffusing and the world becomes ever more interdependent and interconnected.
In Indonesia, smart power is also increasingly gaining in attraction and popularity. On several occasions, the Indonesian Military (TNI) elite has used the term to explain how the defense force must cope with future multidimensional threats and challenges. Defense Minister Purnomo Yusgiantoro, for example, asserted that, the concept of smart power is principally the potential synergy of civilian and military. His deputy, Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin, spoke of a similar theme, although he inferred it as the use of power smartly (small but effective and efficient) with due regard to TNI minimum essential forces (MEF). The TNI commander, followed by his staff, also expressed the need for smart power implementations.
These simply demonstrate how the smart power concept has affected the military leadership in Indonesia as well as within the TNI as an organization.
According to Joseph S. Nye, who coined the term, smart power is the right combination of hard and soft elements of power in order to achieve the national goals. At first, it was for compensating for limited usage of the US hard power in the contemporary political realm. Nye asserts that the US cannot rely merely on its military and economic might. Moreover, he believes that a US heavy-handed posture may not only be ineffective but also may backfire, hurting the US interests, as the interdependency among states has been growing even larger.
In contrast, Nye offers the manipulation of such interdependency by the optimization of the US co-optive power derived from ideological and cultural attraction as well as institutional credibility namely, soft power. He even confirms that soft power may become the new instrument of power (IoP), just like the prior grouping of elements of national power, DIME (diplomacy, information, military and economy). With the right proportion and timing application between hard and soft power, comes the new form of power: smart power.
As we know, TNI is the hard power resource. The question now is whether TNI has soft power that can form smart power.
The thesis built here is that TNI may have soft power as a capability for at least three reasons.
First, Indonesia secured independence through (or mostly known) armed struggle. In this case, the role of TNI was so vital and central that Indonesias independence seemed impossible without it. In other words, TNI history shapes Indonesian history as a whole.
Furthermore, there is a TNI ideal, which is transferred from generation to generation: TNI is the strongest unifying force that stands above all Indonesians in their inherent diversity. This also has made the TNI persona so popular. One example is the way former high-ranking TNI personnel are able to occupy many eminent public posts, although contemporary Indonesia falls under civilian supremacy. With the 2014 election drawing closer, several surveys show that presidential candidates with military backgrounds lead in the popularity rating.
Second, it is so fortunate for TNI that Indonesia is a hierarchical society originated from previous kingdoms. The knights, soldiers or military in the contemporary sense, are a prominent class within society. This cultural characteristic was amplified by the Indonesian war-dominated history. Even after independence, the soldier class has dominated Indonesian culture for more than four decades (prior to the Reform era).
As a result, the military still characterizes the new Indonesian democracy. This is apparent in how political parties structure their organizations, which treat their party leaders like the military commander. The easiest observation is the way political parties dress up their so-called task force with military-like camouflage and berets. In the soft power context, such cultural attraction equals co-optive power or an entry point to have the other act according to our own agenda.
Third, although in contemporary Indonesia, the military is already out of politics, TNI still has an inescapable political influence because of its institutional environs. The simplest explanation is like this. TNI has more than 600,000 members that have at least five people with an affectionate or emotional connection. With the Indonesia kinship society model, for example, wife, children, parents, siblings and those who are akin that see the TNI member in their (extended) family as a role model. Hence, 3 million people or almost 2 percent of the population are TNI sympathizers.
TNI used to be political power. Although it has stopped, the infrastructure is still intact within society. For example, the army has a territorial structure that ranges from provincial level down to every village. Those TNI-civilian interfaces have existed long enough among the people so that they have become focal points for solving social issues. Therefore, it is unsurprising that people sometimes also go to the local military authority, rather than police, when facing security problems.
Such sympathy and legitimacy, both are the source of soft power.
The three reasons above confirm that TNI has soft power. TNI can enhance those sources of power up to the next level to realize power as outcome. Several developing methods are: reintroducing TNI values upon the people; organizational transparency that is free from corruption, public audits, not being too sensitive in sharing information, opening bases for public usage and active participation in solving social issues. Within the near future, it is possible to reconsider TNI participation in the presidential election or a TNI justice system for civilians.
In conclusion, since TNI may possess soft power then it may also have smart power. TNI soft power will act as an enhancer and an enabler for its hard power. If all civilian agencies agree that TNIs character is the role model for their members character building, and the money for doing so is around 5 percent of their budget, TNI virtually will save 5 percent of its spending.
Furthermore, if TNI wins the peoples legitimacy, it enables TNI to do what is best for TNI since it is also the best for the people. This is actually how smart power works.
The writer has a masters degree in maritime policy from the University of Wollongong, Australia, and a postgraduate diploma in strategic studies from Massey University, New Zealand.
TNI smart power, more than just hard and soft power | The Jakarta Post
