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India's Modi Is Playing the Wrong Game against China and Pakistan

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modi.jpeg

In his Independence Day address on Monday, Indian prime minister Narendra Modi went on the offensive vis-à-vis neighboring Pakistan, suggesting that India could overtly support separatist groups in the Pakistani province of Balochistan and cause trouble in the regions of Azad Jammu and Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistan, claimed by India.

Modi’s salvo at Pakistan was driven by two main motivations: one, to deflect pressure on his government for the ongoing crisis in Indian-controlled Kashmir; and two, to project India as a regional hegemon capable of denying China access to economic trade routes through Pakistan into the Indian Ocean region. On both efforts, despite Modi’s braggadocio, India is likely to fail.


Kashmir in Crisis

On July 8, 2016, Indian security forces killed Burhan Wani, a young Kashmiri who joined the militant group Hizbul Mujahideen after witnessing Indian security forces harass his brother andbeat him unconscious.

An estimated fifty thousand people attended Wani’s funeral in the Muslim-majority Kashmir Valley controlled by India—a testament to the popularity of the young man and local disdain for Indian security forces. The funeral was followed by protests, which included rock pelting. But the response by Indian security forces has been heavy-handed. Over fifty civilians have been killed, and many more have been maimed, blinded or covered with pockmarks by indiscriminate pellet-gun fire. For over forty days, Indian-controlled Kashmir has been under curfew, which began with the shutdown of local newspapers and internet access. They have since resumed, but phone and internet accesscontinue to face restrictions. And though the region’s Chief Minister Mehbooba Mufti ordered the restoration of internet services, the police refused to implement her command, indicating that New Delhi is calling the shots.


Pakistan has offered strong diplomatic support to the Kashmiri protesters. The Indian prime minister has perhaps wagered that Pakistan can be dissuaded from its diplomatic offensive by more public pronouncements about Pakistan’s internal challenges. And he likely sees value in portraying the unrest as made not by his own hands, but by those of his neighbor and rival.

India has largely neutralized the Kashmiri insurgency. But rather than politically engaging popular separatist leaders, Modi prefers to arrest them—including eighty-six-year-old Syed Ali Geelani. And rather than engaging Pakistan on the issue of Kashmir, Modi has opted for a “defensive offensive” approach by vocalizing India’s support for separatist groups in Pakistan. But Pakistan has no hand in the Kashmir protests. They are an organic response to the abuse and injury of the local population by Indian security forces and New Delhi’s persistent attempts to whip them into submission. The Indian prime minister’s attempts to externalize the blame for the Kashmir crisis confirms to Kashmiri Muslims that Modi and his country’s hypernationalist commentariat covet their land, but not their hearts.


Target CPEC

There is also a broader aim behind Modi’s Independence Day threat to Pakistan—and it has very much to do with India’s rivalry with China. Balochistan and Gilgit-Baltistan, two of the three regions in Pakistan mentioned by Modi in his address, are critical nodes along the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), a series of energy and infrastructure projects anchored by a road network that will connect China’s western Xinjiang region to the Arabian Sea port of Gwadar, located in Pakistani Balochistan along Persian Gulf shipping lanes and in the Indian Ocean region.

India has responded harshly since the formal launch of CPEC last spring. On the record, both Prime Minister Modi and External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj have expressed to Chinese counterparts their opposition to CPEC projects, because of projects that run through Gilgit-Baltistan. But, off the record, New Delhi has also indicated that its opposition to CPEC stems from its belief that an economically empowered Pakistan will be more strategically emboldened.


At the same time, private Indian news channels, at the behest of their own government, have been engaging in a crude propaganda campaign against CPEC. Indian media outlets issue false reports of a massive Chinese military presence in Gilgit-Baltistan. They also willfully misrepresent local political rallies as separatist protests. For example, the pro-Modi ANI news service recently used old video footage of an election rally by a Pakistani leftist party in Gilgit-Baltistan and falsely portrayed it as an anti-Pakistan separatist protest. Indian news channels also regularly feature activists and polemicists based in North America who claim to represent Balochistan and Gilgit-Baltistan and seem to spend half of the year in New Delhi and at meetings in Geneva.

Pakistan has also claimed that India offers covert support for militants in Balochistan. In the weeks after CPEC was formally launched, parts of Balochistan and Sindh province were the targets of small IED blasts claimed by militant groups possibly supported by India. More recently, a May 2016 attack on Chinese workers in Karachi was claimed by the Sindhudesh Liberation Army, which is allegedly supported by Indian intelligence.

This March, Pakistan announced the arrest of Kulbhushan Yadav, a current or former Indian naval officer who Islamabad claims is an Indian intelligence operative. Yadav, Pakistan alleges, operated out of neighboring Iran, using a false identity as an Indian Muslim businessman as a cover to engage Baloch separatists in Pakistan. In a purported confession video released by the Pakistan Army, Yadav statesthat he was “directing various activities in Balochistan and Karachi at the behest of RAW [India’s external spy agency].”


Curiously, India’s External Affairs Ministry recognized that Yadav served in the Indian Navy, though it claims that he retired some years ago. And a report in the Indian Express, while challenging the Pakistani government narrative, confirms that Yadav obtained a passport with the false name of Hussein Mubarak Patel in 2003, shortly before leaving for Chabahar in Iran’s Sistan-Baluchistan province, neighboring Pakistan.

India Overplays Its Hand

New Delhi is misguided in its efforts to problematize CPEC. The on-the-ground reality along the CPEC route provides little opportunity for India to meaningfully impact the economic corridor’s progress.

In Gilgit-Baltistan, most political activism is aimed at deeper integration into the Pakistani federation. Locals desire provincial status for their region and the full rights of Pakistani citizenship for themselves. The region is not affluent, but literacy rates are high and there is little extreme poverty. Many locals join the Pakistani security forces. And the region, after a spate of sectarian violence, has been quite peaceful. In fact, in contrast to Indian-controlled Kashmir, Gilgit-Baltistan is far less militarized.


As for Balochistan, the worst of its insurgency appears to be part of the past. Since 2013, Baloch and Pashtun nationalist parties have been integrated into the informal provincial ruling coalition. At the same time, Baloch separatist groups have become increasingly divided, as is their historical tendency. Following the announcement of CPEC, some separatist leaders indicated that they could be open to talks with Islamabad. While Modi’s statement will probably encourage them to reverse course, the relevance of these actors, who are mainly based outside of Pakistan, seems to be waning.

CPEC has incentivized a broader segment of Baloch influentials to buy into the Pakistani political system—at least for the time being. If the local population materially benefits from CPEC—through jobs, the provision of basic services and improved infrastructure—Pakistan has a chance to bring a decisive end to the Balochistan insurgency. The opportunity is there; whether Islamabad has the sagacity to realize it is unclear. But the fate of CPEC is in the hands of Pakistan, not India.

An Imaginary “Fifty-Six-Inch Chest”

With their false sense of confidence in India’s ability to project power in the region, Modi and much of India’s commentariat appear to be drinking their own Kool-Aid.

During the 2014 election campaign, Modi’s supporters described the future prime minister as a man with a “fifty-six-inch chest”—i.e., an Übermensch with a magical capability to strike fear in the hearts of India’s enemies and carry his country into superpower status. The phrase, in fact, come from Modi’s owndescription of himself.

In a bizarre display of narcissism, Modi, in his Independence Day address,claimed that the “people [of Azad Jammu and Kashmir, Balochistan, and Gilgit-Baltistan] thanked me a lot in the past few days” for supporting them. Modi sees himself as a savior, but the only acclaim for his statements has come from a few separatist leaders based abroad, likely already on his country’s payroll.

India’s television media seems to believe that much of Pakistan is on the verge of secession and New Delhi can tip the balance. But centrifugal forces in forces in Pakistan have eased, and terrorism in the country is at a decade low. After over ten years of continuous counterinsurgencies, Pakistani security forces are not fatigued; instead, they are more capable, equipped and resolute. India might be able to support small groups like the Balochistan Republican Army and Sindhudesh Liberation Army, but low-intensity attacks have failed to slow down CPEC progress. Dedicated road connectivity between Kashgar and Gwadar is expected to be completed by the end of this yea, and critical upgrades of the Karakoram Highway between Islamabad and Kashgar should significantly reduce travel time between the two points within three to four years.


Strangely, foreign policy observers in India and the United States view CPEC mainly in strategic or military terms. For both China and Pakistan, the primary goals of CPEC are economic. Kashgar is nearly three thousand miles from Shanghai by road. CPEC provides western China with quicker access to sea and reduces the country’s dependence on the Asia-Pacific sea lines of communication. For Pakistan, the Gwadar port reduces its dependence on its two major ports, both located in the greater Karachi area; it also provides a means to develop its most deprived areas and boost economic growth and efficiency in established, but lagging, industrial hubs.

Policy-influencing communities in New Delhi and Washington present Gwadar as a future naval port and a means for China to gain a strategic foothold in the Indian Ocean region. But there is little indication of China viewing Gwadar as a military option. Furthermore, Pakistan has three existing naval bases in the region. The Pakistan Navy is developing Ormara, not Gwadar, as a naval hub to secure its Arabian Sea coastline.


Misreading or misframing Chinese and Pakistani intentions in Balochistan and Gilgit-Baltistan could have unintended, negative consequences; fearmongering over a Chinese naval presence in Pakistan could become a self-fulfilling prophecy.

CPEC, according to Chinese officials, is the “flagship project” of the One Belt, One Road (OBOR) initiative, whereby China is enhancing its connectivity to the broader Eurasian landmass and Africa. Rather than opposing CPEC and OBOR, New Delhi’s foreign policy community ought to explore ways to piggyback on Chinese efforts to enhance regional connectivity and rekindle discussions of reopening dormant Indo-Pakistani trade routes and offering Afghan transit trade. New Delhi loses little from either backing down from opposing CPEC or even offering boilerplate statements in favor of it. But its opposition toward CPEC and provocative statements regarding Balochistan and Gilgit-Baltistan raise the risk of needless conflict.


Source: http://nationalinterest.org/feature...rong-game-against-china-pakistan-17411?page=3

I thought that it may be written by Mani shankar Aiyer but some other similar idiot has written it. From where does the 56 inch chest election slogan comes in strategic analysis.?
 
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well tell me if your in market to sell your products would you loose a custmor which always give your money on time and keeps increasing your order for a coustmor which never pays on time and pays pays in instalemnts and often goes to other suppliers and even tells your secerts to them ... baki aap khud samjhdaar ho :sarcastic:

My analogy of back to "maruti days" and when you lot didnt know how coca cola taste, not too distant in past, still stand. Everyone knows you lot are getting prepared by west for a purpose. We in Pakistan are quite clear about it.

Worry about your $300M aid and F-16 which your western masters decide to pull first

No one give a f*** in Pakistan. The "worry" bit in the heads of the Indians. As for F16s, they are rolling in red flag these days.
 
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My analogy of back to "maruti days" and when you lot didnt know how coca cola taste, not too distant in past, still stand. Everyone knows you lot are getting prepared by west for a purpose. We in Pakistan are quite clear about it.



No one give a f*** in Pakistan. The "worry" bit in the heads of the Indians. As for F16s, they are rolling in red flag these days.

But I thought you guys gave a f*** about the latest F-16 Block-52 fighters :D
 
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I too support you
But for that one have to forget history between us
Modi made a change and went to extreme point visiting Pakistan and being the good guy and how did Pakistan repayed him talking to kashmir separatists in india
To move forward Pakistan should leave their Muslim brother hood shit and move forward with what ever friends they can get usa china india like saudi and uae nation

Kashmr is not even good for India. Kashmir will evoke separatist movements in India. More aggressive India will play more seperatist move will start in India. Even it is good for India to solve this Kashmir issue. Kashmir could be an independent country, both India and Pakistan jointly hold its management. LOC have to abolished, Kashmiri's have to join with each other. This whole set up is unnatural.

We have to see a bigger picture.
 
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Your survival depends on the western civilization, in your hurry to compete with Pakistan, you have gone overboard and created many liabilities for yourself with western powers.

Hahaha I think u just describing urself?

In the escalation matrix...india has no choice now but to climb it...

If it backs down and seeks accomodation with the Dragon...then it will remain in the submissive posture for decades and will have to hand China South Tibet back which it has illegally annexed.

If it climbs the matrix then rehtoric is not going to be enough...it has do a little bit more than moving the meighty brammoz, tanks and mkis to the Chinese border.

It has already started the troublemaking by inviting the wanted terrorists for antiChina conference. It is provoking China in SCS and has joined anti China coalition with JP and US.

What can it do now? It has dug itself some big hole...if it wants to be a super power then it has to climb up the matrix...and show strong actions not just speeches...

Can it climb the matrix and deliver on its threats?

To Pak friends...violence and terror sponsorship in your good country by india is out of its hatred and expansionist strategy...by doing so its also Challenging the Dragon.

Indians will create more trouble from hence forward. When they will get western warplanes their attitude will change even further.



We should all thank the indians for this most entertaining show in the asian geopolitics.
U need get out this matrix imagination world and get some reality check of the past present and future capabilities of Indian Armed forces
 
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Your survival depends on the western civilization, in your hurry to compete with Pakistan, you have gone overboard and created many liabilities for yourself with western powers.

And yet you need to drag the Chinese in to feel safe about it internationally and politically don't you?

Who is talking about China here? We are simply talking to you in the same language you have been talking to us for years.

Try not to drag in other countries in between to find a distraction will you....
 
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modi.jpeg

In his Independence Day address on Monday, Indian prime minister Narendra Modi went on the offensive vis-à-vis neighboring Pakistan, suggesting that India could overtly support separatist groups in the Pakistani province of Balochistan and cause trouble in the regions of Azad Jammu and Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistan, claimed by India.

Modi’s salvo at Pakistan was driven by two main motivations: one, to deflect pressure on his government for the ongoing crisis in Indian-controlled Kashmir; and two, to project India as a regional hegemon capable of denying China access to economic trade routes through Pakistan into the Indian Ocean region. On both efforts, despite Modi’s braggadocio, India is likely to fail.


Kashmir in Crisis

On July 8, 2016, Indian security forces killed Burhan Wani, a young Kashmiri who joined the militant group Hizbul Mujahideen after witnessing Indian security forces harass his brother andbeat him unconscious.

An estimated fifty thousand people attended Wani’s funeral in the Muslim-majority Kashmir Valley controlled by India—a testament to the popularity of the young man and local disdain for Indian security forces. The funeral was followed by protests, which included rock pelting. But the response by Indian security forces has been heavy-handed. Over fifty civilians have been killed, and many more have been maimed, blinded or covered with pockmarks by indiscriminate pellet-gun fire. For over forty days, Indian-controlled Kashmir has been under curfew, which began with the shutdown of local newspapers and internet access. They have since resumed, but phone and internet accesscontinue to face restrictions. And though the region’s Chief Minister Mehbooba Mufti ordered the restoration of internet services, the police refused to implement her command, indicating that New Delhi is calling the shots.


Pakistan has offered strong diplomatic support to the Kashmiri protesters. The Indian prime minister has perhaps wagered that Pakistan can be dissuaded from its diplomatic offensive by more public pronouncements about Pakistan’s internal challenges. And he likely sees value in portraying the unrest as made not by his own hands, but by those of his neighbor and rival.

India has largely neutralized the Kashmiri insurgency. But rather than politically engaging popular separatist leaders, Modi prefers to arrest them—including eighty-six-year-old Syed Ali Geelani. And rather than engaging Pakistan on the issue of Kashmir, Modi has opted for a “defensive offensive” approach by vocalizing India’s support for separatist groups in Pakistan. But Pakistan has no hand in the Kashmir protests. They are an organic response to the abuse and injury of the local population by Indian security forces and New Delhi’s persistent attempts to whip them into submission. The Indian prime minister’s attempts to externalize the blame for the Kashmir crisis confirms to Kashmiri Muslims that Modi and his country’s hypernationalist commentariat covet their land, but not their hearts.


Target CPEC

There is also a broader aim behind Modi’s Independence Day threat to Pakistan—and it has very much to do with India’s rivalry with China. Balochistan and Gilgit-Baltistan, two of the three regions in Pakistan mentioned by Modi in his address, are critical nodes along the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), a series of energy and infrastructure projects anchored by a road network that will connect China’s western Xinjiang region to the Arabian Sea port of Gwadar, located in Pakistani Balochistan along Persian Gulf shipping lanes and in the Indian Ocean region.

India has responded harshly since the formal launch of CPEC last spring. On the record, both Prime Minister Modi and External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj have expressed to Chinese counterparts their opposition to CPEC projects, because of projects that run through Gilgit-Baltistan. But, off the record, New Delhi has also indicated that its opposition to CPEC stems from its belief that an economically empowered Pakistan will be more strategically emboldened.


At the same time, private Indian news channels, at the behest of their own government, have been engaging in a crude propaganda campaign against CPEC. Indian media outlets issue false reports of a massive Chinese military presence in Gilgit-Baltistan. They also willfully misrepresent local political rallies as separatist protests. For example, the pro-Modi ANI news service recently used old video footage of an election rally by a Pakistani leftist party in Gilgit-Baltistan and falsely portrayed it as an anti-Pakistan separatist protest. Indian news channels also regularly feature activists and polemicists based in North America who claim to represent Balochistan and Gilgit-Baltistan and seem to spend half of the year in New Delhi and at meetings in Geneva.

Pakistan has also claimed that India offers covert support for militants in Balochistan. In the weeks after CPEC was formally launched, parts of Balochistan and Sindh province were the targets of small IED blasts claimed by militant groups possibly supported by India. More recently, a May 2016 attack on Chinese workers in Karachi was claimed by the Sindhudesh Liberation Army, which is allegedly supported by Indian intelligence.

This March, Pakistan announced the arrest of Kulbhushan Yadav, a current or former Indian naval officer who Islamabad claims is an Indian intelligence operative. Yadav, Pakistan alleges, operated out of neighboring Iran, using a false identity as an Indian Muslim businessman as a cover to engage Baloch separatists in Pakistan. In a purported confession video released by the Pakistan Army, Yadav statesthat he was “directing various activities in Balochistan and Karachi at the behest of RAW [India’s external spy agency].”


Curiously, India’s External Affairs Ministry recognized that Yadav served in the Indian Navy, though it claims that he retired some years ago. And a report in the Indian Express, while challenging the Pakistani government narrative, confirms that Yadav obtained a passport with the false name of Hussein Mubarak Patel in 2003, shortly before leaving for Chabahar in Iran’s Sistan-Baluchistan province, neighboring Pakistan.

India Overplays Its Hand

New Delhi is misguided in its efforts to problematize CPEC. The on-the-ground reality along the CPEC route provides little opportunity for India to meaningfully impact the economic corridor’s progress.

In Gilgit-Baltistan, most political activism is aimed at deeper integration into the Pakistani federation. Locals desire provincial status for their region and the full rights of Pakistani citizenship for themselves. The region is not affluent, but literacy rates are high and there is little extreme poverty. Many locals join the Pakistani security forces. And the region, after a spate of sectarian violence, has been quite peaceful. In fact, in contrast to Indian-controlled Kashmir, Gilgit-Baltistan is far less militarized.


As for Balochistan, the worst of its insurgency appears to be part of the past. Since 2013, Baloch and Pashtun nationalist parties have been integrated into the informal provincial ruling coalition. At the same time, Baloch separatist groups have become increasingly divided, as is their historical tendency. Following the announcement of CPEC, some separatist leaders indicated that they could be open to talks with Islamabad. While Modi’s statement will probably encourage them to reverse course, the relevance of these actors, who are mainly based outside of Pakistan, seems to be waning.

CPEC has incentivized a broader segment of Baloch influentials to buy into the Pakistani political system—at least for the time being. If the local population materially benefits from CPEC—through jobs, the provision of basic services and improved infrastructure—Pakistan has a chance to bring a decisive end to the Balochistan insurgency. The opportunity is there; whether Islamabad has the sagacity to realize it is unclear. But the fate of CPEC is in the hands of Pakistan, not India.

An Imaginary “Fifty-Six-Inch Chest”

With their false sense of confidence in India’s ability to project power in the region, Modi and much of India’s commentariat appear to be drinking their own Kool-Aid.

During the 2014 election campaign, Modi’s supporters described the future prime minister as a man with a “fifty-six-inch chest”—i.e., an Übermensch with a magical capability to strike fear in the hearts of India’s enemies and carry his country into superpower status. The phrase, in fact, come from Modi’s owndescription of himself.

In a bizarre display of narcissism, Modi, in his Independence Day address,claimed that the “people [of Azad Jammu and Kashmir, Balochistan, and Gilgit-Baltistan] thanked me a lot in the past few days” for supporting them. Modi sees himself as a savior, but the only acclaim for his statements has come from a few separatist leaders based abroad, likely already on his country’s payroll.

India’s television media seems to believe that much of Pakistan is on the verge of secession and New Delhi can tip the balance. But centrifugal forces in forces in Pakistan have eased, and terrorism in the country is at a decade low. After over ten years of continuous counterinsurgencies, Pakistani security forces are not fatigued; instead, they are more capable, equipped and resolute. India might be able to support small groups like the Balochistan Republican Army and Sindhudesh Liberation Army, but low-intensity attacks have failed to slow down CPEC progress. Dedicated road connectivity between Kashgar and Gwadar is expected to be completed by the end of this yea, and critical upgrades of the Karakoram Highway between Islamabad and Kashgar should significantly reduce travel time between the two points within three to four years.


Strangely, foreign policy observers in India and the United States view CPEC mainly in strategic or military terms. For both China and Pakistan, the primary goals of CPEC are economic. Kashgar is nearly three thousand miles from Shanghai by road. CPEC provides western China with quicker access to sea and reduces the country’s dependence on the Asia-Pacific sea lines of communication. For Pakistan, the Gwadar port reduces its dependence on its two major ports, both located in the greater Karachi area; it also provides a means to develop its most deprived areas and boost economic growth and efficiency in established, but lagging, industrial hubs.

Policy-influencing communities in New Delhi and Washington present Gwadar as a future naval port and a means for China to gain a strategic foothold in the Indian Ocean region. But there is little indication of China viewing Gwadar as a military option. Furthermore, Pakistan has three existing naval bases in the region. The Pakistan Navy is developing Ormara, not Gwadar, as a naval hub to secure its Arabian Sea coastline.


Misreading or misframing Chinese and Pakistani intentions in Balochistan and Gilgit-Baltistan could have unintended, negative consequences; fearmongering over a Chinese naval presence in Pakistan could become a self-fulfilling prophecy.

CPEC, according to Chinese officials, is the “flagship project” of the One Belt, One Road (OBOR) initiative, whereby China is enhancing its connectivity to the broader Eurasian landmass and Africa. Rather than opposing CPEC and OBOR, New Delhi’s foreign policy community ought to explore ways to piggyback on Chinese efforts to enhance regional connectivity and rekindle discussions of reopening dormant Indo-Pakistani trade routes and offering Afghan transit trade. New Delhi loses little from either backing down from opposing CPEC or even offering boilerplate statements in favor of it. But its opposition toward CPEC and provocative statements regarding Balochistan and Gilgit-Baltistan raise the risk of needless conflict.


Source: http://nationalinterest.org/feature...rong-game-against-china-pakistan-17411?page=3
During the 2014 election campaign, Modi’s supporters described the future prime minister as a man with a “fifty-six-inch chest”—i.e., an Übermensch with a magical capability to strike fear in the hearts of India’s enemies and carry his country into superpower status. The phrase, in fact, come from Modi’s owndescription of himself.

Thus very message not sent or described by Modi by himself. But we'll felt by all Indian enemies isn't it?

And what have you been? Looks like many in Pakistan had lost hope on Pakistan armed forces capabilities now praying for China to help them out. I will say one thing. This is the last thing China wants now. Which to to attack India. Once China breach this threshold of violating cease fire there will be nothing that could stop retaliation from Indian side. How far will they want to escalate?

And yet you need to drag the Chinese in to feel safe about it internationally and politically don't you?

Who is talking about China here? We are simply talking to you in the same language you have been talking to us for years.

Try not to drag in other countries in between to find a distraction will you....

They don't have any confidence. India has more than enough capabilities to out run or breach into Pakistan's defence at the border. They think China will open up another front but less they know that we already placed enough troops on reserve to penetrate Pakistan and hold Chinese on the other. China will be loose it's shield called 'Don't **** with China' in SCS region. All neighborhood states with support from US will initiate offense.
 
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Firstly my comment on the title Modi is playing the wrong game against China & Pakistan. First time in the Indian history one person who's doing the right thing is Modi atleast with respect to China & Pakistan. Both have been bullying & creating trouble for us for long. There are many areas where Modi has gone wrong, but overall he has the right essence of being the Leader of India. I think he will be one of the best leaders India has produced.

India is a regional nuisance whos balls are now firmly in the hands of western civilization. To expect they will come inline and support CPEC for their own benefit is a silly thought. India needs to be subdued in parallel to the construction of CPEC.

We are not in fight with Nepal, Bhutan, Myanmar, Bangladesh, Srilanka or the rest of the world. Pakistan has problems with everybody be it Afghanistan, Iran, India or rest of the world. Pakistan has the Jihad factories in their soil breeding Jihadists which is the real nuisance in the region & for the world. Does this need any justification Pakistan is almost a isolated country in international affairs


Regarding CPEC who cares about what you do in your country. It's just you are blinded to see what's the motive of CPEC & it passes through GB which is our territory. China's intentions are of CPEC is a problem not only for India, for the whole of Middle East & the world. You should go to school again to understand economics & how geo-politics today work.

If I start explaining China & world politics the posts will become too lengthy for history & economics classes

Your survival depends on the western civilization, in your hurry to compete with Pakistan, you have gone overboard and created many liabilities for yourself with western powers.

Through out history Middle East & western civilizations have all come to India to plunder our wealth & exploit our innocent beliefs. Even today Western countries are depending on India, we are not slaves where people throw biscuits & we dance to their tunes.

Trust me , the day western masters decide to pull the rug under your feet, you lot will be back to the maruti days.
Do you think your economy is not subsidized by western powers? There are reasons you lot top the list of highest recipient of USAID. but that is just a drop in the ocean.

India is not Pakistan anybody can pull our rug & we topple. We are people who take aboard everybody on the rug & country like Pakistan & China are pushed out of the rug.

First thing what subsidized what aid. It's our merit if it's. And for your kind information go learn history regarding aid. To this day the looted Gold lies in the basement of Bank of England. They looted our textiles, steel everything If UK got industrially revolutionized it's because of India. Every country came to India to loot our money & plunder our temples for Gold. Why was Columbus, Vasco da gama in search of India. In 1748, Baron de Montesquieu, advised Europeans that India had all the Gold in the world. Why do you think eveybody wantod to make base in India, the Moguls, Turks, Arabs, Mongols, Alexander (Greek) Portugese, French, English, etc. During world war Britian was in the verge of defeat & collapse due to German assault. The Americans were going through The Great Depression. But the whole of Europe was in chaos & nobody had the safe place to manufacture arms. The British called upon the Americans & shared the plundered booty with Americans to supply arms. Americans were showered with some of the booty the British had plundered from India. America became a super power with this booty & their economic turn around. It just kicked off from there to reach the zenith

To get your history right. This is one of the reasons the Americans & British gave aid to India. But the truth is they robbed us & giving back our own money as aid. And the irony is, today we buy our own robbed Gold from them, paying with our hard earned money. That is the greatest joke. They again exploiting our money with our own Gold.

The entire invasions to India was for our wealth. India was the richest country in the world till the arrival of British even in spite of all the Islamic plunders we still had a strong economy which always churned the money & Gold back. But the Britishers robbed everything from us.

One temple that slipped everybody's eyes was the recent discovery of the Anantha Padmanabha temple's treasure in Kerala. The Gold found inside is valued at an estimated 22 Billion US dollars. Can you imagine just one temple 22 Billion dollars & Kerala is a very small state South of India. Think from 700 AD to our independence 1947 we had invasions & destruction of temples, what would be the plunders. India was the biggest & richest countyr which controlled 25% of the world economic trade till the arrival of British. Today we have grown back from scratch & still are 8th biggest economy with 7.5% growth.
 
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As a Pakistani I am giving a sincere advise for your own sake and for your country sake. You lot, were, are and will never be in competition with China. You leaders are making fool of you when they say that China is your enemy. Its just a smoke screen. You are being prepared as a lamb to be send to the slaughter house. What I am saying that you will be used against Pakistan as cannon fodder in future conflict/s. Understand thing in global geopolitics not just regional, Pakistan is the last remain powerhouse of Muslim world, the rest of the muslim world has been made docile. Rather they intervening directly against Pakistan, for obvious reason, you lot will be used to weaken Pakistan.

You are fully entiled to rubbish me, but you will understand later.
:rofl::rofl:



damn this geopolitical word:omghaha::omghaha::omghaha:... leave china aside... you are pakistani citizen not chinese... first worry about your economy.. our economy isn't idle or in hibernate mode unlike pakistan economy.. keep CPEC magic wand in your keyboard.. :help:... I thought pakistan is in same world as the rest .. Muslim world is it separate?


damn so much talk about balls.. I don't know why you are interested in balls ... :o::o::o: ... :undecided::undecided:
 
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Both China and Pakistan don't have the guts to directly pressurize India. That is the reality.
They can plan/play hidden games. Nothing more than that.

India must disrupt CPEC by strengthening her position on pakistan occupied kashmir
India must threaten to attack the territory if CPEC proceeds any further inch. I am sure China will not take India head-on as she begs for India's support on SCS verdict (or else the picture would have been different).

So altogether pakistan is in a disadvantageous position where China cannot openly support Pakistan against India.
Remember China understands only money which Pakistan doesn't have but India has.
 
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t me link it again if you have comprehension issues

Stop being stupid. ODA as a percentage of GDP/GNI determines how aid dependent a country is. You claimed that Indian economy is kept afloat by aid, while the reality is that aid makes up for just 0.1% of our GNI (2014). The figures for 2016 will be less than $1.5 billion.

Meanwhile ODA makes up some 1.4% of Pakistan's GNI.
 
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