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[Star Wars]

Ill be going to vote today in a few hours

Its already 20% voting in Kerala in first 3 hours.....

 

[Soumitra]

A slap worth Rs 85 lakh: AAP coffers swell every time Kejriwal attacked

NEW DELHI: Attacks on its leader Arvind Kejriwal appear to be a blessing in disguise for the Aam Aadmi Party. Donations to the party have registered a significant increase after four of the five attacks on Kejriwal. After Tuesday's attack, the party received contributions of over Rs 85 lakh from the previous day's Rs 29 lakh.

Despite this spike, AAP has only managed to collect Rs 24.53 crore from 86,649 donors from 111 countries since December 12. This is a far cry from the Rs 100 crore target that the party has set for itself.

Kejriwal has been at the receiving end of ink splotches, eggs, punches and slaps during the last two months of campaigning across the country. On March 28, he was hit on the neck at Rohtak, Haryana. That day, the party collected Rs 42 lakh in donations compared to Rs 39 lakh the previous day.

Similarly, after Kejriwal was punched and slapped at Dakshinpuri in south Delhi on April 4, online donations soared to Rs 1.35 crore from the previous day's Rs 35.13 lakh. When ink and eggs were thrown at the AAP leader in Varanasi on March 25, donations increased to Rs 48 lakh from Rs 19 lakh.

Contributions went up sharply on Tuesday after Kejriwal was slapped by an apparently disgruntled auto driver. An AAP leader, in fact, said traffic on the party website witnessed a huge increase on Tuesday, causing a technical glitch.

The only exception to this trend was when Kejriwal was attacked on March 8 in Ahmedabad, when donations came down from Rs 16.46 lakh to Rs 13 lakh.

But party leaders are concerned at the slow pace of donations. This is in sharp contrast to the Delhi assembly elections where the party was able to collect Rs 20 crore and even announced that it would not take any more donations after it met its target.

A slap worth Rs 85 lakh: AAP coffers swell every time Kejriwal attacked - The Times of India

 

[kaykay]

10.1% voting in Delhi till 9 AM.

 

[kaykay]

https://twitter.com/x/status/454113164079022080

https://twitter.com/x/status/454113532754137088

22% turnout in west UP till 10 AM.

https://twitter.com/x/status/454112754031271936

 

[HariPrasad]

What is situation in jharkand... Who is strong there in this election ??

BJP

BJP is likely to get 80% of seats.

 

[jha]

BJP cadre must ensure maximum voting.. Early reports not good in Delhi..

https://twitter.com/x/status/454112135715774464

 

[HariPrasad]

Why intellectuals are running scared of Modi


In democracies, a change of government is no big deal. In India, however, it is a rarity at the national level. In the 66 years of Independence, the Congress has nominally been excluded from power for only 10 years. More interestingly, no prime minister apart from Atal Bihari Vajpayee has been free of any Congress association. Yet, even in the six NDA years, the larger power structure at the Centre was never entirely Congress-mukt. Under Vajpayee, his extremely competent principal secretary Brajesh Mishra, a former diplomat from a prominent Congress family, ensured that the old Establishment was only nominally dispossessed.

It is instructive to be mindful of the past when engaging with the prophecies of impending doom that seem to be dominating conversations of the beautiful people with a stake in next month’s electoral outcome.

The doomsday narrative has captivated an influential section of the Delhi-based intelligentsia and its global friends. They have interpreted the fierce desire for change that is resonating in India as the harbinger of a new authoritarianism that will pander to corporate greed and religious intolerance. In the immediate aftermath of the December 2013 Assembly election, this anxiety was translated into a gush-gush endorsement of the Aam Aadmi Party. However, ever since the white-cap crusaders got drunk on media hype and made a series of tactical miscalculations, concern has given way to visible depression. If the Modi-is-coming jingle on TV is sending the NaMo army into bouts of premature celebration, it is proving psychologically devastating to the Praetorian guards of the “idea of India”.

Of course, not all better-off Indians are living in dread of a possible ‘regime change’. Sensing imminent change, the financial markets are witnessing an unwarranted bull run. Opinion polls also indicate that the surge in the support for Narendra Modi is being primarily driven by aspirational Indians in the 18 to 35 age group. The social profile of the average Modi voter is that he is educated, young and seeking better opportunities. Moreover, support for Modi isn’t confined only to segments where the BJP has a footfall. The polls suggest NaMo is the buzzword throughout India and among all classes and social groups, including Dalits and adivasis but not Muslims.

The question naturally arises: why is a very powerful section of the Establishment, particularly in academia and the media, so utterly unresponsive to the larger groundswell from below? Why did The Economist, for example, shoehorn itself into a distant election battle with a anyone-but-Modi editorial aimed at amused Indians?

Earlier there was a fear that the Modi campaign would exacerbate social tensions and leave India emotionally polarized. However, Modi appears to have stuck to his pro-development and anti-Congress script faithfully and not been derailed by identity concerns. Indeed, apart from stray examples of local politicians allowing rhetorical flourishes to get the better of good sense, the 2014 campaign has been fierce but civil. There are pre-existing faultlines but the campaign hasn’t made them sharper.

Yes, there are sharp differences between the BJP and the Congress on economic manage ment, national security and, at a pinch, foreign policy. That’s only natural and it is the articula tion of alternative perspectives that give mean ing to competitive politics. Nor is it the case that Modi champions a voodoo economics that inter national capital finds unappealing compared to the noblesse oblige of the Gandhis Both Margaret Thatcher in 1979 and Ronald Reagan in 1980 fought elections promising a break with ‘consensus politics’. At that time neither Britain nor the US witnessed agonized intellectuals threatening to go into self-exile if the voters chose discontinuity. So what’s unique about Modi?

Part of the answer may lie in Modi’s out sider status. Over generations the Congress has nurtured and patronized an intellectual estab lishment that loosely shared its political as sumptions. These notables fear marginalization and consequent loss of social importance and political influence. They feared it in 1998 too but inveigled their way back, fiercely exploiting the strange desire of some BJP leaders to acquire social respectability.

Modi, they believe, is cut from a very differ ent cloth. If elected, he may actually begin craft ing an alternative counter-Establishment and not give a damn for the prevailing wisdom in the boudoirs of Sujan Singh Park.

I believe that bad people should be scarred from Prime Minister. In case of our present prime minister, Opposite is true.

 

[cheekybird]

Kon jeeta? @Parul @arp2041 @Dem!god

 

[Indian-King]

Namotard idiots bribing people in polling booths such low life people

 

[SarthakGanguly]

Is it AAP all the way again in Delhi?

 

[Indian-King]

Is it AAP all the way again in Delhi?

Yeeeees

 

[kaykay]

Is it AAP all the way again in Delhi?

AAP was tailing behind BJP and even Congress during early hours. Don't know the current situation. Will call to one IBN7 friend during recess.

 

[kurup]

VOTED FOR BJP ....

 

[CorporateAffairs]

AAP will lose deposit in one seat in Delhi.

BJP - 3-5
AAP - 1-2
Cong 0

 

[Echo_419]

Kon jeeta? @Parul @arp2041 @Dem!god

Yaar Hamm bhi Delhi wale hai
On your question
BJP is likely to win west Delhi questions every one I asked is voting for BJP