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A well written article, brings out the nexus of the Commies in India with " outsiders'. The ' Mir jaffers" are within.
DAWN.COM | Columnists | India?s tense ties with China
The portrait of Stalin was prominently displayed at the parade celebrating Beijing’s 60th anniversary. One of the world’s most tyrannical rulers, his picture still takes the pride of place in the office of the Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPI-M) politburo in Kolkata.
Therefore, it was not surprising that CPI-M secretary-general Prakash Karat underplayed China’s recent intrusions and attributed Indian criticism to the ‘strategic alliance’ between India and America. Those who remain sentimental about Beijing are confusing China with the communism that represented the cleansing of thought, reformist ideals and the passion of the late 19th and early 20th centuries.
Such people themselves have drifted away from the ideology of the true left. If they had any spark of intellectual honesty left in them, they would have tried to rescue communism from China and not use this ideology to justify their conquests.
Both the Communist Party of India and the CPI-M, which claim to represent the left, still have the same reverence for Beijing as they did when the Chinese undertook the Long March under the leadership of Mao Zedong. Then the goal was to build an agrarian economy from below. Capitalism, which the country has now adopted for development, did not fit into the scheme the Chinese were pursuing at that time. Out of capitalism grew the idea of superiority in arms. This is not the China of Mao Zedong’s dreams.
The way China is behaving towards India today invokes memories of the run-up to what happened in 1962. The forcible building at that time of the infamous Aksai-Chin Road and the murders of India’s border patrol men is a sad chapter in the history of India-China relations and something one hoped had been buried. But the recent incursions by Chinese soldiers into Arunachal Pradesh have been accompanied by boasts that they can take over the whole area in a couple of days.
This is hardly a manifestation of the Hindi-Chini bhai bhai equation. I thought China occupied in 1962 all the territory it claimed and declared a unilateral ceasefire. It did not even agree to the Colombo proposals which suggested the withdrawal of 12.5km from the positions the two sides held. India, even though the victim, complied with the proposals.
Over the years, talks between the two countries have not resulted in any firm borders either on the Ladakh or Arunachal side. But the middle sector, including Sikkim, has been recognised by China. Why has it now intruded into Sikkim and left its evidence in the shape of large red Chinese characters painted on rocks? This definitely indicates a change in Beijing’s thinking.
No sovereign country can take this kind of behaviour lying down. Nor can India condone China’s claim that Arunachal belongs to it. Arunachal Pradesh is an integral part of India and New Delhi has made it clear more than once.
The latest irritation has come in the shape of visas granted to people originating from Kashmir. Instead of the standard type, the visa has been attached to a separate piece of paper stapled on to the passport. This is designed to convey that China can lay down the law and get away with it as well. The result has been that students who were given the new type of visa could not go to universities of their choice in China because India did not recognise the visa given to them.
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh continues to pursue a relationship of peace and goodwill despite these provocations. I concede that China is far ahead of us in military prowess. They have more conventional weapons as well as nuclear devices.
Yet, India is not the same as it was in 1962. It is economically an emerging giant.
It may not have allocated as much money to defence as the dangers on its borders warrant. Jawaharlal Nehru also made the same mistake. He wanted to develop the country instead of having a large military arsenal. But if the desire is to articulate that power comes from the barrel of the gun, New Delhi may also be forced to reorder its priorities. Perhaps India should take a leaf out of Vietnam’s book. Here is a small country that has also suffered a border dispute with China but stood its ground and refused to kowtow.
Probably, there is something in what Nehru said in 1962 that the clash between China and India is a clash between two ideologies, two cultures and two different ways of viewing the world. One is the democratic with a live-and-let-live philosophy and the other represents authoritarianism and is without a free press, free judiciary or free vote.
We are not on weak ground, but what I cannot understand is the series of statements by the service chiefs one after another declaring that India could not take on China. The outgoing naval chief, Adm Suresh Mehta, said the country had neither the capability nor the intention to match China’s force. The new air chief, P.V. Naik, says the strength of India’s air force is one-third that of China’s. If we are ill-equipped in military strength, the chiefs can communicate this to the government, which is the right authority to take care of any inadequacies. Otherwise they not only demoralise the people, they also misguide the government.
India has a dearth of expertise where China is concerned. India by now should have encouraged the development of scores, if not hundreds, of experts capable of dissecting and analysing every Chinese move. Both Russia and Japan have, over the years, amassed sufficient information to help them deal with Beijing. India can learn from them. Force, however strong, cannot and should not have the last word.
The writer is a leading journalist based in Delhi.
DAWN.COM | Columnists | India?s tense ties with China
The portrait of Stalin was prominently displayed at the parade celebrating Beijing’s 60th anniversary. One of the world’s most tyrannical rulers, his picture still takes the pride of place in the office of the Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPI-M) politburo in Kolkata.
Therefore, it was not surprising that CPI-M secretary-general Prakash Karat underplayed China’s recent intrusions and attributed Indian criticism to the ‘strategic alliance’ between India and America. Those who remain sentimental about Beijing are confusing China with the communism that represented the cleansing of thought, reformist ideals and the passion of the late 19th and early 20th centuries.
Such people themselves have drifted away from the ideology of the true left. If they had any spark of intellectual honesty left in them, they would have tried to rescue communism from China and not use this ideology to justify their conquests.
Both the Communist Party of India and the CPI-M, which claim to represent the left, still have the same reverence for Beijing as they did when the Chinese undertook the Long March under the leadership of Mao Zedong. Then the goal was to build an agrarian economy from below. Capitalism, which the country has now adopted for development, did not fit into the scheme the Chinese were pursuing at that time. Out of capitalism grew the idea of superiority in arms. This is not the China of Mao Zedong’s dreams.
The way China is behaving towards India today invokes memories of the run-up to what happened in 1962. The forcible building at that time of the infamous Aksai-Chin Road and the murders of India’s border patrol men is a sad chapter in the history of India-China relations and something one hoped had been buried. But the recent incursions by Chinese soldiers into Arunachal Pradesh have been accompanied by boasts that they can take over the whole area in a couple of days.
This is hardly a manifestation of the Hindi-Chini bhai bhai equation. I thought China occupied in 1962 all the territory it claimed and declared a unilateral ceasefire. It did not even agree to the Colombo proposals which suggested the withdrawal of 12.5km from the positions the two sides held. India, even though the victim, complied with the proposals.
Over the years, talks between the two countries have not resulted in any firm borders either on the Ladakh or Arunachal side. But the middle sector, including Sikkim, has been recognised by China. Why has it now intruded into Sikkim and left its evidence in the shape of large red Chinese characters painted on rocks? This definitely indicates a change in Beijing’s thinking.
No sovereign country can take this kind of behaviour lying down. Nor can India condone China’s claim that Arunachal belongs to it. Arunachal Pradesh is an integral part of India and New Delhi has made it clear more than once.
The latest irritation has come in the shape of visas granted to people originating from Kashmir. Instead of the standard type, the visa has been attached to a separate piece of paper stapled on to the passport. This is designed to convey that China can lay down the law and get away with it as well. The result has been that students who were given the new type of visa could not go to universities of their choice in China because India did not recognise the visa given to them.
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh continues to pursue a relationship of peace and goodwill despite these provocations. I concede that China is far ahead of us in military prowess. They have more conventional weapons as well as nuclear devices.
Yet, India is not the same as it was in 1962. It is economically an emerging giant.
It may not have allocated as much money to defence as the dangers on its borders warrant. Jawaharlal Nehru also made the same mistake. He wanted to develop the country instead of having a large military arsenal. But if the desire is to articulate that power comes from the barrel of the gun, New Delhi may also be forced to reorder its priorities. Perhaps India should take a leaf out of Vietnam’s book. Here is a small country that has also suffered a border dispute with China but stood its ground and refused to kowtow.
Probably, there is something in what Nehru said in 1962 that the clash between China and India is a clash between two ideologies, two cultures and two different ways of viewing the world. One is the democratic with a live-and-let-live philosophy and the other represents authoritarianism and is without a free press, free judiciary or free vote.
We are not on weak ground, but what I cannot understand is the series of statements by the service chiefs one after another declaring that India could not take on China. The outgoing naval chief, Adm Suresh Mehta, said the country had neither the capability nor the intention to match China’s force. The new air chief, P.V. Naik, says the strength of India’s air force is one-third that of China’s. If we are ill-equipped in military strength, the chiefs can communicate this to the government, which is the right authority to take care of any inadequacies. Otherwise they not only demoralise the people, they also misguide the government.
India has a dearth of expertise where China is concerned. India by now should have encouraged the development of scores, if not hundreds, of experts capable of dissecting and analysing every Chinese move. Both Russia and Japan have, over the years, amassed sufficient information to help them deal with Beijing. India can learn from them. Force, however strong, cannot and should not have the last word.
The writer is a leading journalist based in Delhi.