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India’s African “Safari”

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India’s engagement with Africa has grown remarkably over the past decade.

Trade with Africa jumped from U.S. $3 billion in 2000 to $52.81 billion in 2010-11 and is expected to exceed $90 billion by 2015. India has emerged as Africa’s fourth largest trade partner, after the European Union, China and the United States. Its cumulative investment in the continent exceeded $35 billion in 2011 in industries diverse as energy, pharmaceuticals, agriculture and telecommunications.

Close ties between India and Africa are not new. Trade has flourished between East Africa and India’s west coast for centuries. India also supported Africa’s struggle against colonial rule and apartheid, and its freedom movement inspired the anti-colonial struggles of African countries, Ruchita Beri, an expert on India-Africa relations at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA) in New Delhi told The Diplomat. Throughout the 1960s and 70s, India worked closely with the newly liberated African countries to forge common positions on global issues.

However, New Delhi’s interest in Africa waned in the 1990s. With the end of the Cold War, India was preoccupied with mending relations with the West and establishing ties with the newly independent former Soviet republics in Central Asia. As a result Africa moved to the margins of India’s foreign policy.

Rapid economic growth and soaring energy requirements, however, forced India at the turn of the new millennium to rethink its neglect of Africa.

India imports 70% of its oil, much of it from the politically volatile Middle East. Finding new suppliers to diversify its oil sources is crucial to its energy security and Africa is an attractive option.

Besides oil, Africa is rich in gold, diamonds, platinum, copper, manganese and uranium. India's diamond-cutting industry – the world's largest – depends on rough diamonds from Africa, while uranium in Niger, Uganda and Tanzania is vital for India's nuclear power industry.

There are other reasons too for India’s renewed interest in Africa. Africa is rich in votes at the UN General Assembly, which India needs when it pushes for a seat in the Security Council. Realization of its strategic ambitions too hinge on cooperation with Africa. India is keen to assert its naval power across the Indian Ocean from Africa’s east coast to the western shores of Australia. This has prompted it to step up naval cooperation with Africa’s Indian Ocean littorals like Seychelles, Mauritius and Madagascar. Tackling problems like piracy off Somalia’s coast too requires India to work with Africa.

India’s interest in Africa is thus multifaceted although its focus is on the economic dimension.

Historically, India was active in Africa’s Anglophone countries and in East Africa. It was the large Indian diaspora in countries like Kenya, Tanzania and Mauritius that facilitated close economic relations. Over the past decade, however, India is looking beyond East Africa. With oil and other natural resources emerging as key drivers of its engagement, West Africa and South Africa are the focus of its attention. Nigeria’s immense oil wealth has contributed to its emergence as India’s top trading partner in Africa, accounting for roughly 30% of India’s trade with the continent.

India’s imports from Africa consist mainly of primary commodities (91% of its imports from Africa in 2010). Oil accounts for 61% of Africa’s exports to India. The continent also provides a market for India’s manufactured goods – over two-thirds of African imports from India are manufactured goods such as pharmaceuticals, machinery and transport equipment.

The domination of oil and natural resources in India’s imports from Africa and of manufactured goods in its exports to the continent has drawn criticism that India is indulging in a “neo-colonial grab” for Africa’s resources. Critics liken its trade with Africa to that which the European powers engaged in with their colonies.

“This is an uninformed view,” argues HHS Viswanathan, a distinguished fellow at the Observer Research Foundation in New Delhi and India’s former ambassador to Nigeria and Cote d’Ivoire. “Africa of today is not the same as during colonial times. When countries exploit the resources of Africa today, the terms are set by the African nations and not by outsiders. The deals are mutually beneficial.”

Echoing this view, IDSA’s Beri said that India’s relationship with Africa is “not a one-way street,” with benefits flowing to one side only. “India is sharing its own development experience with Africa,” she said. It was its services sector that spurred the Indian economy and India is now helping Africa achieve a similar growth by building its services sector.

“Capacity building is an important component of India’s engagement of Africa,” says Aparajita Biswas, head of the Department of African Studies at the University of Mumbai. India is supporting institutional capacity building at the pan-African, regional and bilateral levels. It is setting up scores of institutions in areas as diverse as food processing, agriculture, textiles, weather forecasting and rural development. A pan-African e-network linking schools and hospitals across Africa with top institutions in India will make Indian expertise in healthcare and education accessible to the African people.

Illustrating the mutually beneficial nature of India’s ties with Africa, an official in India’s Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) drew attention to training in diamond cutting, polishing and grading that India is providing to the people of Botswana. “While India’s diamond cutting industry has benefitted from Botswana’s diamond roughs, India is enabling Botswana to move up the value chain in the diamond business,” he pointed out.

Similarly, while Africa provides a major market for India’s pharmaceutical industry – 14% of India’s $8 billion pharmaceutical exports in 2009 went to Africa, “the role it has played in controlling the spread of HIV/AIDS and other diseases by making treatment affordable cannot be ignored,” the official said. Besides pharma companies like Ranbaxy are not just selling to Africa but have set up production facilities there.

India’s investments in African land have drawn criticism too. It has been accused of engaging in a “land grab,” especially in Ethiopia where Indian companies like Karturi Global, one of the world’s largest exporters of roses, have leased vast tracts of land to cultivate cash crops. This could undermine Africa’s food security, critics charge.

“Land grab is too strong a term” to describe Indian companies’ cultivation on Africa’s land, counters Viswanthan, “So far, the projects have benefitted both parties,” he says. However, he cautions that such projects have to be “constantly monitored for any adverse effects on local food security.”

Parallels are often drawn between India and China’s African “safaris.” Indeed, their trade with Africa has grown at similar rates; India’s at a compounded annual growth rate of 24.8% and China’s at 26.3%. More importantly, access to natural resources and especially oil is the main driver of both Asian giants’ engagement of the continent.

There are important differences though. For one, India’s footprint in Africa is small compared with that of China. Take their role in Africa’s trade for instance. In 2011, India accounted for 5.2% of Africa’s global trade compared with China’s 16.9%. Besides, unlike China’s investment in Africa, which is led by state-owned companies, Indian investment is mainly driven by the private sector. In another contrast with Chinese companies, India hires local laborers while many Chinese companies bring Chinese laborers to their projects in Africa.

Indian officials admit that China’s aid-for-oil strategy, which involves extension of soft loans for massive infrastructure projects in return for African oil, used to impress them as it helped Beijing secure deals in its favor, according to the MEA official. This prompted India to follow the Chinese strategy in some countries where it was seeking oil deals. However, India was unable to match the aid the Chinese offered. It underscored the need for an approach that built on India’s strengths, which ultimately resulted in India focusing on capacity building in Africa.

India is upbeat over its relations with Africa. It has reason to be. With regard to oil for instance, not only has its access to African oil grown significantly – Africa now accounts for 20% of India’s fuel imports – but also it has been successful in acquiring equity in African oilfields, observes Viswanathan.

The question is how secure are its investments in Africa? Its experience in Sudan underscores the need for caution. ONGC Videsh Ltd (OVL), the overseas unit of India’s state-run Oil and Natural Gas Commission, invested $2.5 billion in oil exploration and production in an undivided Sudan. This investment came under threat with South Sudan’s secession from Sudan in 2011, with three OVL blocks in the Muglad Basin straddling the border between the two Sudans and one entirely in South Sudan. This situation became especially precarious earlier this year when Sudan forced South Sudan to halt oil production, resulting in massive losses for OVL.

As for allegations of neo-colonial exploitation, these have been leveled largely by the western media. Will such a view eventually be echoed by Africa, potentially jeopardizing India’s presence there?

India hopes that its capacity building, people-centric approach and efforts to build a sustainable partnership with Africa will keep such allegations at bay.

India's African "Safari" - The Diplomat

A good read :tup:
 
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Soft power of India is spreading pretty fast in Africa. Hope few posters can also add this aspect in further discussion.
 
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Soft power of India is spreading pretty fast in Africa. Hope few posters can also add this aspect in further discussion.
near to home soft power of india getting kicked out of Maldives..................:)
 
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Few islands or entire continent full of opportunity ? Go figure. Maldives problem is temporary.
Temporary problem ?????were sleeping in kumbhkarna mode during Maldives coup.
Well you won't discuss in constructive fashion. So no need to reply.
Even then you choose to reply.I cant still figure it out?.........:lol:
 
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India in Africa: The Aid Numbers ----------------------------------- ¶2. (U) India's level of trade with Africa stood at $9.14 billion in 2005, with 68% of that purely with South Africa. (Note: By comparison, two-way U.S.-Africa trade was $60.6 billion in 2005. End note.) India has shown a desire to pursue a free trade agreement (FTA) with the Southern African Customs Union. However, given the pace of India's other FTA negotiations and the fact that GOI negotiators are already stretched thin in discussions with the EU, ASEAN, Japan, and others, little movement can be expected on this initiative in the foreseeable future. In terms of official assistance to Africa, the Export-Import Bank of India has extended over $550 million in lines of credit to sub-Saharan Africa, of which $250 million was earmarked for the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) Bank for Investment and Development in May 2006. The Bank has also offered lines of credit to several countries directly, such as $102 million to Ghana, $31 million to Burkina Faso, $27 million to Cote d,Ivoire, and $20 to Mozambique. India's Techno-Economic Approach for Africa-India Movement (TEAM-9) initiative (with ten participants, actually: India, Burkina Faso, Chad, Cote d,Ivoire, Equatorial Guinea, Ghana, Guinea Bissau, Mali, Niger, and Senegal) has a $500 million concessional credit facility for African member countries. The largest projects include $30 million for rural electrification in Ghana and $15 million for drinking water in Equatorial Guinea. Investment, Peacekeeping, and Diaspora ----------------------------------- ¶3. (U) India is active in Africa in other ways besides developmental assistance and loans. The Tata Group operates in eight different African nations and has a stake in South Africa's telecommunications industry. In 2003, India's Oil and Natural Gas Corporation (ONGC) purchased a 25% stake in Greater Nile Petroleum Oil Company in Sudan for $750 million. A 2005 attempt by ONGC to buy a 45% stake in Nigeria's Akpo Field (valued over $2 billion) was blocked by the Indian government as being "too risky," and was subsequently NEW DELHI 00001325 002.2 OF 005 purchased by the Chinese. India is contributing about 1,400 military personnel to U.N. peacekeeping operations in Eritrea and Ethiopia and 3,000 troops in the Democratic Republic of Congo. In addition, there is an estimated two million-strong Indian diaspora throughout Africa as a legacy of India's shared colonial heritage with many African nations. India Versus China: No Contest ----------------------------------- ¶4. (U) India's Africa and China watchers alike, who bemoan China's rising influence in Africa, note that China-Africa levels of bilateral trade quadrupled to $40 billion between 2000 and 2005. In 2005, China overtook the U.K. to become Africa's third largest trading partner behind the U.S. and France. China's oil imports from Africa (primarily Nigeria, Sudan, Angola, and Equatorial Guinea) account for 30% of China's external oil dependence, with Angola as China's top supplier since 2006. By mid-2006, Chinese foreign direct investment in Africa totaled $1.18 billion. In 2000, China wrote off $1.2 billion of African countries, debt, and pledged yet another $750 million in write-offs in 2003. The Chinese Export-Import Bank has an accumulated commitment of $800 million in concessional loans for 55 projects spread between more than twenty different African nations. China committed $8.1 billion in loans to Nigeria, Angola, and Mozambique in 2006 alone. Competition with China Denied, Yet Already Underway ----------------------------------- ¶5. (C) Poloff spoke with Param Jit Mann, MEA Director for West Africa, on March 9. Mann said that some in the media and academia inaccurately talk about opportunities for India and China in Africa as if it were the next "Gold Rush." He said that India was moving at its own pace on bilateral, regional, and pan-African levels, and not acting in any way "directly related" to China's moves. He continued, "India does not base its decisions on the level, speed, or methods with which China is interacting with the African nations." He said that India had indeed proposed a large India-African Union summit well before the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation took place in Beijing in November 2006. A working group has been established to discuss an India-African Union summit, which is scheduled to meet for the first time during the week of March 12. He gave no prospective date as to when the actual summit might take place, however, saying, "It's extremely difficult to coordinate that many people's schedules." ¶6. (C) The Nigerian Embassy's Senior Political Counselor U.A. Gur also dismissed ideas of Indian-Chinese competition in Africa, but on different grounds--that India simply cannot compete. In a meeting with Poloff on March 13, Gur acknowledged that the Indians have had connections with Nigeria for decades while the Chinese came to Nigeria in only the last 10-15 years. He said that it is readily apparent that the Chinese are there solely to do business, and not otherwise "interfere." He found that whatever advantage India may have had in Nigeria twenty years ago has disappeared; "China has surpassed India and is so far ahead that India cannot keep up," he said. ¶7. (C) Prof. Sanjukta Banerjee of Jadavpur University, NEW DELHI 00001325 003.2 OF 005 Kolkata said at an India-Africa seminar at New Delhi's Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) on February 22 that India and China are indeed competing for "more than a mere foothold" in Africa. Both are involved in infrastructure projects throughout Africa, but China has concentrated in extractive industries, thus making it the target of both Western and African criticism. She pointed to the presence of thousands of Chinese workers in Sudan since the mid-1990s as one example. Peacekeeping, long a specialty of India, is also being increasingly taken up by China after it deployed troops to Liberia in 2003. While India sees Africa as a platform to promote its U.N. Security Council seat bid, China is using its economic clout to coerce African nations into supporting the One-China Policy, she said. She added that only five African nations have not yet agreed, and thus remain ineligible for Chinese aid. India Trying to Branch Out Through Technology and TEAM-9... ----------------------------------- ¶8. (C) Ever since January 2006, when National Security Advisory Board member C. Raja Mohan wrote an oft-quoted op-ed saying that India is "sleepwalking through new opportunities" in Africa, there has been growing awareness that India needs to do more to establish more meaningful economic and diplomatic ties with Africa. MEA Director Mann, whose office handles relations with 25 African nations with only six Indian embassies between them, said India has considered new embassies in more African countries; he provided no prospective locations or time frames, however. ¶9. (C) Mann lauded Indian efforts through the TEAM-9 (Techno-Economic Approach for Africa-India Movement) initiative He emphasized that it allows India to deal with member countries (Burkina Faso, Chad, Cote d,Ivoire, Equatorial Guinea, Ghana, Guinea Bissau, Mali, Niger, and Senegal) on a bilateral level and use the $500 million concessional credit facility to "focus on whatever those countries want." TEAM-9 loans have a span of twenty years--five-year moratorium, fifteen years of repayment--and avoid "India assisting with information-technology just because India is good at it." He viewed Niger's new membership in TEAM-9 (as of 2006) as a sign of "great appreciation" within Africa for the initiative. In addition to a plethora of development projects, Mann said India is also financing the construction of a presidential residence in Ghana. On the IT side, however, he mentioned the Pan-African e-Network, India's joint effort with African Union as a means of technological capacity building. India is investing $1 billion over five years in this project to connect select Indian universities and hospitals with African counterparts with high-speed telecommunications links throughout 53 African nations. The African Union is currently developing a plan to sustain the program's operations beyond India's five-year commitment, he said. ¶10. (C) Dinkar Khullar, MEA Joint Secretary (West Africa), called the cooperation with the West African TEAM-9 member countries "significant," and said that of the $500 million committed so far, already $280 million is being used in current projects. What was a "small initiative in 2004" has been a great success, and now Gambia, Central African Republic, and several other nations are interested in participating, he said. Khullar called it a gratifying trend NEW DELHI 00001325 004.2 OF 005 that many high-profile visitors from India are traveling to Africa, and not just from the energy sector, but also from the transportation (railroad), financial, and IT industries. He highlighted Indian agricultural assistance, humanitarian schemes and these visits as "signs that relations will be upgraded in the future." Not to overlook the pragmatic, however, he said that Africa's hydrocarbons, minerals, and other resources are not only of interest to India, but also China. ...But Falling Short Because of Linguistic and Domestic Considerations ----------------------------------- ¶11. (C) The Joint Secretary then addressed the political context of India's relationship with Africa. Countries that were once "lukewarm" in supporting India's bid for a permanent seat on U.N. Security Council are now becoming "more supportive." He said that the sub-Saharan member countries of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC) tend to be more moderate, which "may be useful" to India considering its differences of opinion with OIC over Kashmir. Saying that many African countries had long been unknown, or ignored by, Indian public servants, businesspeople, and academics, Khullar encouraged track-two diplomacy efforts targeted at Africa. He added that India lacks a substantial diaspora presence in western and central (francophone) Africa and thus India's diplomatic and economic pursuits have almost exclusively focused on the Commonwealth countries in Africa. "India has simply not done enough in French," he said. ¶12. (C) Former MEA Foreign Secretary Shashank, however, took a more pessimistic view of India's relations with Africa vis--vis China and directed blame at India's domestic considerations. Like India, the African nations emerged from colonization, but unlike India, many have not succeeded and been "let down" by India's lack of leadership and involvement. While India kept away from Africa, others crowded in, he said. "The Chinese can offer billions of dollars right now, but India cannot do that. There would be a huge outcry in India if it showered money on special, privileged groups throughout Africa. India must consider its interests in the long run; but how does the Indian government interest Indian companies and banks in forming partnerships in Africa?" he asked. Continuing his comparison with China, he said that African nations are reluctant to cast their lot completely with China because of their collective fear of renewed colonialism. Yet they realize that India cannot do much, he warned. Prof. Sanjukta Banerjee added, however, "In the very least, people in Africa and elsewhere question Chinese motives, but nobody worries about India." India's Windows of Opportunity Closing? ----------------------------------- ¶13. (C) Nigerian Embassy Counselor Gur said that his country could learn from the experiences and expertise of Indians, particularly as India is a multi-ethnic, multi-lingual nation, like Nigeria, with a thriving manufacturing sector, unlike Nigeria. He lamented that Nigeria relies on imports for many manufactured goods, while India has built up a level of self-sufficiency, e.g. having several automobile manufacturing companies. Gur found that Chinese companies are doing much to bolster Nigeria's NEW DELHI 00001325 005.2 OF 005 construction, food, and oil industries, but that occurs without any transfer of technology and little transfer of wealth. Indeed, Chinese products, such as low-cost textiles and garments, are putting Nigerian companies out of business, which contributes to the growing problem of unemployment in Nigeria. Gur saw opportunities for India to be helpful in the areas of IT, agriculture, and automobile production--all areas in which he saw India as successful. ¶14. (C) Dr. Vandita Ray of Jamia Millia Islamia University, New Delhi still sees India as having a window opportunity "before China closes it." She said Africa had become "marginalized" by the developed countries, which "did little really to help the continent." She criticized the Indian government for making language barriers an excuse for not pursuing wider engagement with Africa. African nations have started to look towards other "South" countries, however, India being chief among them. She recommended that India use its skills in the agricultural sector to help diversify African crops and expertise in IT to lessen Africa's technology gap with the rest of the world. She warned, and former MEA Foreign Secretary Shashank concurred, that if India does not play to its strengths in Africa soon, then China will encroach even there. Comment: India May Have A Silver Lining, But Lacks Strategy ----------------------------------- ¶15. (C) Comment: To meet its own stated aspirations to be a political and economic world power, India's active engagement with Africa should be a no-brainer. Yet there appears to be a significant disconnect between Indians' own perceptions about what they can do and they are doing to bolster ties. India's IT expertise and common cultural and linguistic heritage with some African nations may be its silver lining, but issues of language and culture differences have certainly not been insurmountable hurdles in the way of the Chinese. While MEA officials boast of success with Indian initiatives with Africa, Jadavpur University's Prof. Banerjee complained that African heads of state are still not being taken seriously within MEA. It is just as well that MEA officials say India and China are not competing, because even African diplomats are saying that China is too far ahead. As Mauritius Ambassador to India M. Choonee also told the audience at the February 22 JNU event: "India simply cannot compete economically with China in Africa as things are." ¶16. (C) A better Indian strategy toward India-Africa relations would benefit the United States. As a rising, stable, and open democracy, India has "street creds" with many African countries. At the same time, India offers a better role model for governance than some others who court the continent. An India more proactively engaged with Africa while remaining cognizant of human rights and other humanitarian concerns in Africa would provide the U.S. a valuable partner for African initiatives in the long-run, particularly given India's advanced position in the IT, agricultural, and pharmaceutical industries. As the U.S. seeks ways to leverage the global partnership with India, Africa offers a potential opportunity to advance our shared values. End comment.

India Falling Short Of Potential In Africa, Competing With China For Resources And Influence
 
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and our biggest enemy and closest neighbor is permanently intoxicated with our softpower.
so much for the intoxication of soft-power that you have to keep entire hard-power of military be deployed 24/7 to protect the soft power.
 
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near to home soft power of india getting kicked out of Maldives..................:)

Aunty we just have to send one coast guard ship to either change the Maldivian govt. or make Maldives as our 29th State :lol:
 
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