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India - Pakistan conflict analysis - aims, tactics, strategy, results

We'll discuss XI Corps operations later of course, but since you have made a mention, so some points...

PLEASE interject whenever you wish to; it is most useful in setting the mise en scene.

Indian XI Corps did not enjoy the advantage of PA in Lahore sector.......that is, PA defences were based on BRB / Ichogil canal while XI did not have any formidable geographical or a water obstacle to base its defences. Capturing of area upto the canal till Kasur (4 Mtn Division) would have greatly improved the defensibility of XI Corps area and would have provided added security to Indian Punjab and its main cities.

Perfect.

That elements of 15th Infantry Div. penetrated as far as Batapore, with no base for its defences, and under air attack from a vigilant PAF, is creditable in itself. But the best was yet to be. Whatever 3 Jat won was given back with a generous hand by Brigadier Rikh, who succumbed to his Div. Commander's panic.

As per my understanding after reading Indian books, Lahore was a be-prepared mission which Indian Army was supposed to go for in case the opportunity presented itself and PA may be unable to defend it (3 Jat took the advantage). However, capture of all land till BRB was certainly one of the main aims of 7, 15 and 4 Mountain Divisions.

Yes, Sir, indeed; that was clear. The canard about Chaudhuri planning his evening refreshment in the Lahore Gymkhana Club is one I traced back to a Calcutta rag called the Amrita Bazar Patrika, that has sunk without trace now. There was no basis for that story; as you have succinctly put it, Lahore was a target of opportunity for XI Corps, and its primary objective was reaching the East Bank of the Ichhogil Canal.

At Kasur, 4th Mountain Div. met a strong counter-attack and recoiled, and it was a coup d'oeil by Indian commanders to make a stand around Asal Uttar. The Independent Armoured Brigade under Brigadier Theograj and his regimental commander Col. Caleb played a key role in the ensuing battle. However, at the end of the day, it was a gallant recovery by 4th Mountain Div., and XI Corps was nowhere near the Canal in this sector.

For the Indian offensive in Sialkot Sector, there was an Indian plan even in late 50s / early 60s where by Indian offensive was supposed to reach Marala Ravi Link Canal in the first phase, and then reach GT Road in order to cut it. Sialkot and Shakergarh would have been isolated and Marala Headworks would have been captured as well.

Your remarks following have a poignancy of their own for Indian readers.

Indian 1 Corps has its own litany of.....well dont know that to call it......to start with, a newly raised Corps which had not even started to function as a Corps, no coordination, the Corps Commander was junior to his armored division commander Rajinder Sparrow.....list goes on....

Whenever I think of Rajinder Sparrow, I think of the sad fate of an able field commander who rises to a position where he is sadly no longer performing at his best. This was the dashing young chevalier of Zoji La, now the hesitant, risk-averse Divisional Commander of a Division that had the fate of the conflict in its hands.

Life is cruel.

As you must have noticed, both Corps had their full share of failure of command, in the case of XI Corps, an aggressive failure, in the case of I Corps, a sad failure of vision and a visible need to avoid failure.

Lt. Gen. Dunn was on the verge of retirement. I sometimes wonder.....

@PanzerKiel

You must be aware that members have been following the thread in order to read your commentary, not in order to follow the narrative, that is well-known by all who are interested in military history.
 
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PA must encircle Indian army from Jammu and Baltistan. Valley will come by its own

Thank you for your intervention.

We need to balance @PanzerKiel, and we are all grateful for your stepping up to fill the breach.

PS: If I am permitted to wear my Munchhausen hat, you will soon get to hear that all the obsolete tanks being bought up all over the world have been assembled in and around Skardu. Now you need to work on Jammu....
 
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We'll discuss XI Corps operations later of course, but since you have made a mention, so some points...

Indian XI Corps did not enjoy the advantage of PA in Lahore sector.......that is, PA defences were based on BRB / Ichogil canal while XI did not have any formidable geographical or a water obstacle to base its defences. Capturing of area upto the canal till Kasur (4 Mtn Division) would have greatly improved the defensibility of XI Corps area and would have provided added security to Indian Punjab and its main cities. As per my understanding after reading Indian books, Lahore was a be-prepared mission which Indian Army was supposed to go for in case the opportunity presented itself and PA may be unable to defend it (3 Jat took the advantage). However, capture of all land till BRB was certainly one of the main aims of 7, 15 and 4 Mountain Divisions.

For the Indian offensive in Sialkot Sector, there was an Indian plan even in late 50s / early 60s where by Indian offensive was supposed to reach Marala Ravi Link Canal in the first phase, and then reach GT Road in order to cut it. Sialkot and Shakergarh would have been isolated and Marala Headworks would have been captured as well.

Indian 1 Corps has its own litany of.....well dont know that to call it......to start with, a newly raised Corps which had not even started to function as a Corps, no coordination, the Corps Commander was junior to his armored division commander Rajinder Sparrow.....list goes on....

A bit about history.....

Main reasons of IA decline TILL 1962 were mainly three
Pacifist political leaders
Leftist orientation
A belief that IA was a relic and last bastion of of British imperialism

First indian offensive plan against West Pakistan was formulated in 1951, with main attack against Lahore and secondary effort against Sailkot, limit of exploitation being MRLC.
The main objectives were to defend Kashmir and Punjab at all costs while limited offensive actions along rest of the border to gain space and keep main line of communication between Indian and Kashmir open.

Indian Wargame ABLAZE was a landmark which was again followed by intense planning and corrections

Prior to 1965

Concept of operation of Indian Western Command was...
That initiative is with Pakistan
Western Command should be able to first, blunt and stabilize PA offensive thrusts
WC should then be able to secure area east of BRBL, with Lahore as well IF POSSIBLE.

The new plan was
In phase 1, to capture area upto BRBL, eliminate Jassar enclave, and the bridge as well to negate any PA thrust towards Dera Baba Nanak.
In phase 2, to capture area till MRLC as already highlighted.

The SUDDEN advent of IA 1 Corps opened up new possibilities, options and problems as well, with regards to operational concepts and employment options.

There was a very heated debate between COAS and GOC of IA 1 Armored Division regarding the launch area of IA 1 Corps. Options available were either through Jassar, across Ravi towards North East, the other being from East of Jammu / area Samba towardss South West (which actually happened).

Positive points in favor of Jassar option (supported by COAS)
Move and concentration of a large force in the form of 1 Corps would be easily detected in Jammu Samba area as the road runs very near to the border.
Jassar option will allow IA 1 Corps to radiate threat in multiple directions (Narowal, Sialkot and Lahore), this option would auto protect the log bases of IA WC as well.
Samba thrust would be perforce a UNIDIRECTIONAL THRUST with very limited options afterwards.
Samba thrust would suffer from space constraints in Pak territory
Bad road network to support Samba thrust in Pak area

GOC 1 Armored was too much scared of a Jassar option as it involved crossing Ravi and he didnot want to engage in a bridghead operation, even though COAS tried to make him understand that in this case, the important Ravi crossing are in Indian territory, not Pakistan. He was all for Samba option as there was no river crossing involved in that case.

Even GOC WC supported COAS for Jassar option due to fol reasons....
Ravi xings in Indian territory, already secured
Engineer recce of these xings already done, operation deemed feasible by IA engineers
Surprise element would be on Indian side as they would be operating AGAINST the grain / relief of the land.

Opinion of GOC 1 Armored Division carried more weight since he was accepted as an authority on large scale armor operations based on his WW2 experience.
This all resulted into a bad compromise, whereby IA WC was tasked to launched offensive from Samba while protecting the road Pathankot-Samba and Dera Baba Nanak as well (28 Brigade op).

The above is a little background of what then transpired in the form of Operation Riddle and Nepal.

Just to add...

In-house friction within IA can be judged from the fact that previously, IA 1 Armored Division was Corps reserve of XI Corps in Punjab....once 1 Corps was raised, XI Corps VERY RELUCTANTLY, had to give it up for 1 Corps Ops, which is the main reason as to why XI Corps then had to limit the depth of its attack objectives (home bank of BRB).
 
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I will be back at around 3'o'clock, after cooking lunch, eating it, and clearing up.

A bit about history.....

Main reasons of IA decline TILL 1962 were mainly three
Pacifist political leaders
Leftist orientation
A belief that IA was a relic and last bastion of of British imperialism

Much though it pains me to do so, in the interests of transparency and intellectual integrity, it is necessary to mention that there were pulls and pushes within the Indian military leadership as well, what you have referred to as in-house friction.

{EDIT} In addition, you have mentioned three points above. Some of these came to life in terms of a horror movie. Most of what I have mentioned below was entirely due to the then Defence Minister, Krishna Menon; there is now documentary proof of this negative influence.{END EDIT}

  1. During General Thimayya's tenure, he was communicating regularly with the British High Commissioner in New Delhi, who, in turn, faithfully communicated every snippet of information to HMG.
  2. This would not by itself have been important, but the UK still wanted to play a role in South Asia; in 1965, Harold Wilson was very active in getting India and Pakistan to the negotiating table.
  3. Thimayya was accused in writing of 13 charges against him (based on gossip and on conjecture) while he was the COAS, by Lt. Gen. Thapar, the next most senior officer, who reported to him, and who told him in the letter that the PM was aware that this letter was being written and that the PM would be happy to hear Thimayya's side of the story.
  4. Thapar wrote a similar letter to Thorat, but with only 5 charges rather than 13; in identical terms, Thorat was informed that the PM knew and would be happy to hear from him!
  5. Thimayya himself wanted Thorat to succeed him; Thorat had a brilliant career in the Army, and was streets ahead of Thapar, although Thapar was the senior of the two.
    1. Thimayya took it on himself to ask the President to appoint Thorat the next chief;
    2. The President (Rajendra Prasad) agreed and actually issued orders appointing Thorat;
    3. Krishna Menon and Nehru immediately said that this could not be, what the Raksha Mantri (Defence Minister) and the Pradhan Mantri (Prime Minister) wanted had to be implemented.
    4. Finally the PM and RM prevailed.
  6. Thimayya had gone to the RM with stories about one of his direct reports, alleging improprieties of an unknown nature, only to reverse himself a few days later saying that there had been a misunderstanding and that the entire matter had arisen due to that officer's wife's unpopularity.
  7. Among other such incidents, besides the Gohar Ayub accusation, Manekshaw was accused of being excessively pro-British, as he had portraits of Clive and Hastings in his cabin at Wellington.
  8. We all know about Kaul, and about Monty Palit, and how they had cowed down Bogey Sen. In Bogey Sen we had yet another very good officer in the field completely decaying away at senior level. Rajinder Singh Sparrow was not alone.
First indian offensive plan against West Pakistan was formulated in 1951, with main attack against Lahore and secondary effort against Sailkot, limit of exploitation being MRLC.
The main objectives were to defend Kashmir and Punjab at all costs while limited offensive actions along rest of the border to gain space and keep main line of communication between Indian and Kashmir open.

Indian Wargame ABLAZE was a landmark which was again followed by intense planning and corrections

Prior to 1965

Concept of operation of Indian Western Command was...
That initiative is with Pakistan
Western Command should be able to first, blunt and stabilize PA offensive thrusts
WC should then be able to secure area east of BRBL, with Lahore as well IF POSSIBLE.

The new plan was
In phase 1, to capture area upto BRBL, eliminate Jassar enclave, and the bridge as well to negate any PA thrust towards Dera Baba Nanak.
In phase 2, to capture area till MRLC as already highlighted.

The SUDDEN advent of IA 1 Corps opened up new possibilities, options and problems as well, with regards to operational concepts and employment options.

There was a very heated debate between COAS and GOC of IA 1 Armored Division regarding the launch area of IA 1 Corps. Options available were either through Jassar, across Ravi towards North East, the other being from East of Jammu / area Samba towardss South West (which actually happened).

Positive points in favor of Jassar option (supported by COAS)
Move and concentration of a large force in the form of 1 Corps would be easily detected in Jammu Samba area as the road runs very near to the border.
Jassar option will allow IA 1 Corps to radiate threat in multiple directions (Narowal, Sialkot and Lahore), this option would auto protect the log bases of IA WC as well.
Samba thrust would be perforce a UNIDIRECTIONAL THRUST with very limited options afterwards.
Samba thrust would suffer from space constraints in Pak territory
Bad road network to support Samba thrust in Pak area

GOC 1 Armored was too much scared of a Jassar option as it involved crossing Ravi and he didnot want to engage in a bridghead operation, even though COAS tried to make him understand that in this case, the important Ravi crossing are in Indian territory, not Pakistan. He was all for Samba option as there was no river crossing involved in that case.

Even GOC WC supported COAS for Jassar option due to fol reasons....
Ravi xings in Indian territory, already secured
Engineer recce of these xings already done, operation deemed feasible by IA engineers
Surprise element would be on Indian side as they would be operating AGAINST the grain / relief of the land.

Opinion of GOC 1 Armored Division carried more weight since he was accepted as an authority on large scale armor operations based on his WW2 experience.
This all resulted into a bad compromise, whereby IA WC was tasked to launched offensive from Samba while protecting the road Pathankot-Samba and Dera Baba Nanak as well (28 Brigade op).

The above is a little background of what then transpired in the form of Operation Riddle and Nepal.

Just to add...

In-house friction within IA can be judged from the fact that previously, IA 1 Armored Division was Corps reserve of XI Corps in Punjab....once 1 Corps was raised, XI Corps VERY RELUCTANTLY, had to give it up for 1 Corps Ops, which is the main reason as to why XI Corps then had to limit the depth of its attack objectives (home bank of BRB).

It is very sad to reflect on Sparrow's role in his command of 1st Armoured Div.

More in two hours.
 
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You guys talking about XI & I Corps reminds me of how pathetic our higher organization was in the war. Only I Corps was present, which was redundant as most orders were bypassed and GHQ tried to control the situation with direct authority to divisional commanders. Our armoured spearhead was supervised by an infantry division's GOC thanks to having no Corps HQ to assume control; such inefficiencies paved the way for failure at Assal Uttar - Valtoha - Mahmudpura.
 
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You guys talking about XI & I Corps reminds me of how pathetic our higher organization was in the war. Only I Corps was present, which was redundant as most orders were bypassed and GHQ tried to control the situation with direct authority to divisional commanders. Our armoured spearhead was supervised by an infantry division's GOC thanks to having no Corps HQ to assume control; such inefficiencies paved the way for failure at Assal Uttar - Valtoha - Mahmudpura.

It was Maj. Agha Amin, the Knight of the Acid Tongue, who quipped that in India-Pakistan conflicts, the side making the fewer mistakes won.
 
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Much of this has been summarised earlier. Please feel free to skip it and move on.

What followed the beginning of Grand Slam is complex. Contrary to impressions that we have gathered so far, there was in fact a plan, Operation Riddle, prepared by the Indian Army in response to the Indian PM's request after the events of the Rann of Kutch. This had the three broad objectives as follows:
  1. To destroy the ability of the Pakistan Army to wage war;
  2. To occupy territory that could be used for negotiation later on;
  3. To defend against Pakistan's attempts to grab Kashmir by force.
These are borrowed from Shuja Nawaz's presentation at the Hudson Institute, where he quotes from the book based on the war diaries of Y. B. Chavan. However, that presentation has its issues:
  • For a pacifist Prime Minister such as Shastri to consider grabbing land in the Rann of Kutch is simply ludicrous; in fact, the intention was that of Pakistan.
  • For I Corps to be given this task well in advance of the conflict, when it had not been formed or deployed, is far-fetched. In the event, Mr. Nawaz mentions XI Corps as carrying out this plan, that had two parts to it:
    1. An attack towards Lahore: this was led by XI Corps;
    2. An attack towards Sialkot, to cut lines of communications between Sialkot and Lahore, and isolate forces in northern Pakistan from forces grouped around Lahore and located further south.
The problem was, as @PanzerKiel has pointed out already, General Chaudhuri and General Harbaksh Singh had very different views on the conduct of the war. There was a higher level version of this, in that the Defence Minister Chavan did not have confidence in his COAS; in meetings, Chavan felt, Chaudhuri would not answer questions fully, (read: honestly), and that in general, he was always keeping things close to his chest.

There was also a general impression about Chaudhuri in the minister's mind, that Chaudhuri was too careful and was a plodding kind of general. This is vindicated in part by his abrupt decision to pull Indian troops back behind Amritsar, leaving that city defenceless and open to capture by Pakistani forces, when the Pakistan Army got a breakthrough in Khem Karan.

Why did Pakistan have the impression that she could hold her own in a defensive war against India?

For one thing, the force levels: there was a belief that India would need a 4:1 numerical advantage to attack Pakistan and penetrate her defences. The norm is 3:1; therefore the Martial Races premium in the minds of the Pakistani High Command may be calculated at (0.33 - 0.25 =) 0.08, or 1 in 12. In 1964, Pakistan had 8 Divisions, from some accounts; a ninth, the 6th Armoured Division, was set up in 1965 itself, and was sent into action. The general idea was to absorb an enemy attack successfully, and then counter-attack. Pakistani General Mahmud Ahmed has been quoted as reporting that the Pakistan Army HQ had estimated that India had 19 Divisions, but 7 were committed to the Chinese front, while 2 were committed to East Pakistan. Of the remainder, 4 Infantry Divisions and 1 Armoured Division, as well as an Armoured Brigade were in the Vale of Kashmir; this was an obvious morale booster for the planners in Pakistan, who felt that they should be able to take care of the 5 Divisions left over with no difficulty.

On the other hand, the ISI had apparently in August 1965 informed all concerned in the Pakistan Army, the Pakistan Navy and the Pakistan Air Force that the Indian Government had allowed the Indian COAS to cross the border into Pakistan whenever and wherever necessary. It is difficult to sympathise with Pakistani shock at Operation Riddle being launched at Lahore and Sialkot. The report also claimed that Indian troops were within striking distance of the International Border between India and Pakistan, but this makes strange reading. One only needs to see the distances that some units had to travel, the inability of others to got to battle because of their exhaustion, and the consequences of diversion of Mountain Divisions into plains field battles.

In the event, GHQ Pakistan believed that the main Indian effort would be in Kashmir, with some action against East Pakistan, but nothing against West Pakistan. This was incorporated into one of their Operations Directives.


It deals with the operations of two Indian Army Corps (I am writing this entirely from the point of view of the Indian Army), XI Corps and I Corps, and with the detailed operations of 15th Infantry Division, 7th Infantry Division and 4th Mountain Division. Within those broad categories, there was the specific operation of 54th Brigade and 38th Brigade under 15th Infantry Division, and their constituent battalions and armoured regiments and integral artillery.

The Pakistani assessment of the war was that the Army punched above its weight, and held its own against a much larger adversary, and that the Air Force, too, played a major role in the initial stages of the war, while the Indian Air Force was nowhere to be seen at the outset, while the two navies played a very tangential role. However, the Pakistan Navy did make a very bold move, shelling Dwarka. This enfuriated the Indian CONS, who demanded a meeting with the Defence Minister, failed to get a release to attack, asked to see the Prime Minister, failed again, and went and met the President (reported in Chavan's war diaries). He was stalled at all three levels, told that the Navy would be brought in, but later, and had to be content with that.

We have to reckon with two different points of view of how the Indian Army fared. One of them is obviously the Indian side, the other, equally obviously, the Pakistani side. So let us look at them.

Two sources have been cited to encapsulate the Indian point of view, the book War Despatched by General Harbaksh Singh, and a recent article by Manoj Joshi in The Wire. So "XI Corps performance was a sickening repetition of command failures leading to the sacrifice of a series of cheap victories." And "...I Corps, with the exception of a few minor successes, the operational performance was virtually a catalogue of lost victories. In two key battles, Dograi near Lahore and Phillora, early in the war, Indian forces broke through, but were pulled back by commanders who were worried that they had been sucked into a trap."

Akhtar Malik on the other hand says, "...we lost the initiative the very first day, and never recovered it." Another view, from Shuja Nawaz, was that the campaign was marked by "tactical brilliance and gallantry at the lower levels of command, nullified by a lack of vision and courage among the higher leadership of the Pakistan Army."

Mahmud Ahmed's book was originally titled "Illusions of Victory", and was changed by the Pakistan Army to "History of the Indo-Pak War, 1965", had a similar assessment. Apparently 28 study groups were set up to dissect the lessons of the war at the Staff College, Quetta; it is not known how many were set up in India.

This was NOT the official (=Government) point of view; Ayub Khan's government proclaimed the war a magnificent victory for Pakistan.

In effect, Pakistan had failed to liberate Kashmir, and had failed to rouse a popular uprising. India, with a numerically superior force, failed to dominate the Pakistan Army, and failed to make the Pakistan Army sue for peace.

@Cuirassier
@Mumm-Ra

For your consideration.

"The 1965 war was a war between two Second World War armies, trained to fight for someone else, and both sides demonstrated not a balance of power, but a balance of incompetence."
American General​

 
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@Joe Shearer

Delay from your side is delaying Indian offensive across international border as well.....IA is already hard pressed due to Grandslam.....Comd 191 Brigade, 10 Division and 15 Corps are heavily engaged.....7 and 15 division are standing by....
 
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@Joe Shearer

Delay from your side is delaying Indian offensive across international border as well.....IA is already hard pressed due to Grandslam.....Comd 191 Brigade, 10 Division and 15 Corps are heavily engaged.....7 and 15 division are standing by....

I thought I had responded to those.

Very well, I shall take up those details, 191 Brigade defence in depth, its retreat to the foothills to the north, and the perils faced by 41st Mtn. Brigade, its repulse, and its retreat through 28th Brigade to defensive positions behind, in the region of Akhnur.

I was waiting for your response to my last note, but shall take up detailed narration instead.

XI Corps 15th Div., 7th Div., and 4th Mtn. Div. to follow, finally I Corps and the Gadag Gallop.
 
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Very well, I shall take up those details, 191 Brigade defence in depth, its retreat to the foothills to the north, and the perils faced by 41st Mtn. Brigade, its repulse, and its retreat through 28th Brigade to defensive positions behind, in the region of Akhnur.

Yes you did......just wanted to move forward....

I was waiting for your response to my last note, but shall take up detailed narration instead.


Sorry that i missed it, could you please highlight it again?
 
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Yes you did......just wanted to move forward....




Sorry that i missed it, could you please highlight it again?

Yes, certainly.

That was #173, essentially Shuja Nawaz' presentation. There were points in it that made me feel very sore, but I presented the whole video for what it was worth.

But I shall go on to the narrative of Grand Slam, and then the Lahore front.
 
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Finally caught up on the thread thus far.... keep going wonderful active participants.

I am forwarding some of this to my dad, he is especially very pleased to hear good, sound and fair opinions from across the border.
 
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Let us classify posts from #152 to 178 as commentary, and return to a straight narrative of Grand Slam, until the point when General Yahya Khan was put in as Divisional Commander, with his own Divisional HQ of 7th Div., vice General Malik the author of Grand Slam.

We have already seen that around mid-August, 191 Brigade had lost its CO, and had been pretty roughly handled. The disposition of its components was all along the Cease Fire Line, in the plains, 3 Mahar and 3 GR north of the CFL, 6 Sikh LI to their south, hinged on Burejal, 15 Kumaon in echelon, on the Mandiala heights (this is reported in Google Maps as Mandiwala), so forming a curve facing the CFL, 9 Punjab further north in the hills, the J&K Militia distributed among the Mahars and the Sikh LI. The artillery was close to the 15 Kumaon in Mandiwala.

Better military minds than mine will no doubt have an explanation for this layout, but on the face of it, it seems reasonable. The front is covered, in linear fashion, but that was the precise weakness that had been noticed. 3 Mahar, 6 Sikh LI and 3 GR held the line, 9 Punjab held the hills immediately beyond 3 Mahar, and 15 Kumaon was in the middle of the curve formed by the front line, that is, by 3 Mahar, 3 GR and 6 Sikh LI, along with the divisional artillery and the brigade HQ.

41 Mtn. Brigade, on release to 10th Div., was to take up position between the border and Jammu, south of Mandiala, and the Corps reserve, 28th Bde., was to be further back, with the divisional headquarters, based on Akhnoor.

All very well, but within 4 days, 1st September to 4th September, all was over.

On the 1st, after an artillery bombardment starting at 03:30 and going on till 06:30, the Indian positions on the west to east alignment was attacked by 203 mm guns of the Pakistani artillery. At this time, no artillery of this bore was even available in the Indian Army; only the Field Artillery Regiment of 105 mm guns located on the Mandiwala heights and the troop of 155 mm Medium Artillery could oppose this terrifying assault.

Following this, three thrusts were launched, one, in the north, at the Mahars and Gorkhas, at Dewa, by the 4 Azad Kashmir Brigade supported by the 13 Lancers; they pushed the Mahars and the Gorkhas into the foothills behind and the positions between them and the easternmost Indian defences at Mandiwala lay clear.

At right angles to this, there two armoured attacks supported by infantry. One thrust was delivered east of Burejal by a squadron and was resisted by the AMX 13s of 20 Lancers; Major Amin describes these light tanks, not MBTs, as matchboxes in front of 11 Cavalry and 13 Lancers Pattons. Another thrust was by the 11 Cavalry and an infantry battalion attacking eastward at Moel, that is, at 15 Kumaon and the grouped recoil-less rifles of the brigade. There was no artillery support for the Indians against this attack, because the contingent located at Mandiwala was neutralised by counter-battery fire.

By the evening, the northern thrust had broken through the defences of the Mahars and the Gorkhas, and the way towards Mandiwala lay clear. This also compromised the position of the Sikhs, already under pressure from the 11 Cavalry. There was then a gap between the elements of the Mahars and the Gorkhas who had retreated into the foot-hills, and the 6 Sikh LI, still facing south but under great pressure from their right flank and to their front. 9 Punjab was too far back to give any support to these defensive positions. 15 Kumaon remained at Mandiwala, along with the artillery and the brigade HQ.

After a break, when the Pakistanis moved their engineers forward to support a tank crossing of the Jammu Tawi river, the attack commenced again. All troops were withdrawn to the east bank of the Tawi, and the defences were taken up by the newly-inducted 41 Mtn. Brigade. We have the situation then that the mountain brigade,without any anti-tank artillery as is normally carried by plains infantry divisions, was left facing the Pattons of the 11 Cavalry and the 13 Lancers. Besides making the remainder of the troops on the Mandiwala heights vulnerable, as well as the artillery and the brigade HQ, the way to Jammu was blocked only by the 28 Brigade positioned at Akhnoor, along with the 10 Div HQ.

In Greek drama, when the plot line reached unmanageable complications, the author usually launched a Deus Ex Machina. It was time for Field Marshal Ayub Khan to launch his own Deus Ex Machina.
 
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On the morning of the 2nd September, this was the situation:
  • 3 Mahars and the Gorkhas were sheltered in the foothills; they had had to give way against the assault by 4th Azad Kashmir Brigade and 13 Lancers, and the path forward to Mandiwala was open.
  • 9 Punjab were behind them in the foothills.
  • 6 Sikh LI had been badly mauled by the combined attacks at Moel and at Burejal on the CFL itself, and the orders had gone out for 191 Brigade elements to fall back on the east bank of the Jammu Tawi. The west bank was no longer tenable, and the 11 Cavalry, with support from engineering, had already crossed over; even the east bank was no longer tenable.
  • 191 Brigade itself was asked to fall back to Akhnoor.
  • The J&K Militia attached to the Mahars and to the Sikh LI were caught up in the general melee, and were forced along with their attached organisations.
  • 15 Kumaon, with its outgunned 105 mm Artillery Regiment, were left perched on the Mandiwala heights, staring down the barrel of a gun; both 13 Lancers, moving east from the CFL with the Azad Kashmir Brigade and 11 Cavalry, moving north to overwhelm the 6 Sikh LI, were closing in on the position.
At this point, the 41 Mtn. Brigade was deployed, with the usual mountain brigade equipment not including anti-tank weapons, facing the combined might of the two Patton-equipped cavalry regiments.

10 Div HQ was perched uneasily in between 41 Mtn. Brigade and 28 Brigade, based on Akhnoor.

Disaster was imminent.

Nothing happened on the 2nd.

Unknown to the Indians, the Pakistani GHQ has decided to replace Maj. Gen. Akhtar Husain Malik, author of the entire operation, with Maj. Gen. Yahya Khan, who arrived to take over the 7th Div. HQ, while General Malik departed. Yahya Khan decided he needed to take stock, and ordered a consolidation on the 2nd. That was all the time that Harbaksh Singh needed to get his own plans in order.

But that is later, on the 6th. To continue with events in the ongoing battle at Chhamb, the Pakistani 10 Brigade crossed the Tawi. A detachment to the south captured a position well to the south, the left flank, of the Indian 41 Mtn. Brigade, rendering it vulnerable to a flank attack. That was not to be needed.

On the 4th, the Pakistanis assaulted 41 Mtn. Brigade. During the day, they broke that brigade's defences, and forced its elements to fall back through 28 Brigade's lines to the HQ of 191 Brigade.

On the 5th, nothing much happened. Now that the road to Jammu, or, at least, to Akhnoor lay open, it was natural that the Pakistani side, that had completely convinced itself that it was performing a sandbox exercise, and that the sandbox was the disputed territory of Jammu and Kashmir, completely ignored other options and possibilities, and airily dismissed the clear warnings of the 5'2" Indian Prime Minister about the right to strike anywhere, any time in response to a Pakistani attack.

On the 6th, there was a half-hearted attack on the 28 Brigade's position at Akhnoor, during the late afternoon and the night; the energy and enthusiasm was not there, because the news of the Indian XI Corps attack on Lahore had got through.

And there ended the brilliantly-conceived brilliantly-led Operation Grand Slam, that could have reached Jammu by the 6th, taking away the day of consolidation caused by Yahya's abrupt arrival on the battlefield in mid-battle.
 
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