BanglaBhoot
RETIRED TTA
- Joined
- Apr 8, 2007
- Messages
- 8,839
- Reaction score
- 5
- Country
- Location
AKANSHYA SHAH
Republica June 16, 2011
The failure of the political stakeholders in Nepal to arrive at the much-needed consensus to take the peace process to a logical conclusion and to write the constitution has once again raised serious concerns in New Delhi over the future polity in Nepal.
Even after the three-month extension of the Constituent Assembly (CA), which the Indian government was not keen in the first place, the establishment is doubtful whether the peace process and specifically the integration issue would be resolved within this time. The Indian government has been pressing for conclusion of the peace process first before writing of a constitution. The five-point agreement reached on the wee hour of May 29 has been termed vague and a repeat of last years agreement. There is also a section of civil society in India which increasingly feels that the peace deal in Nepal is over and that the country should head for a new election.
Confusion looms large among Indian politicians, bureaucrats, civil society and media on Nepal with a few pressing for an overhaul of Indias policy on Nepal.
As a neighbor, it is natural for India to show concerns at the lack of progress in the peace process as peace and stability in Nepal is in Indias interest. It has also stated time and again that it will back the peace process in Nepal and the democratic transition of the country. But much has gone awry as the southern neighbor has experienced a strain in its relation with the largest political force in Nepal.
The relationship between India and the UCPN (Maoist) has been strained over the years and more so lately due to multiple reasons. First, although India recognizes Maoists as an important political force in Nepal and as stated during the last visit of Maoist Vice-Chairman Baburam Bhattarai to India, it is even ready to back a Maoist-led government. However, India is worried about the lack of commitment as put by officials in New Delhi on the part of the Maoists toward the past agreements. The Maoists are perceived as untrustworthy by the Indian establishment. Second, although India has tried to reconcile with the Maoists insecurities in the peace process, it is now pressing the latter to the corner so that the integration of the Maoist combatants is addressed and the necessary steps taken to resolve all issues pertaining to integration of the PLA combatants once and for all. India has clearly given precedence to concluding the peace process over constitution writing, and to disarm PLA.
Thirdly, the Indian establishment has expressed strong reservations over the ongoing attacks on its business ventures in Nepal by the Maoist activists. The latest in the series is the work halt called by the Maoist workers at Upper Karnali hydro-project. Although the Maoist leaders at the centre repeatedly reassured the Indian side that there will be no obstructions, Maoist workers have put pressure on the GMR consortium, the developer of the Upper Karnali, time and again even asking for direct cash benefits. And fourthly, the Maoists relation with China is perceived with suspicion in India.
Indias relation with the Maoists deteriorated soon after Pushpa Kamal Dahal took office of the prime minister after the CA elections. Maoists tilt toward Chinese was imminent. And although Dahal assured India that he was committed to have friendly relations with the latter, attack on Indian businesses continues. This was aggravated when UCPN (Maoist) did not show sincerity in integration issue. India opposed the Maoist governments decision to sack the then army chief Rookmangud Katawal, which ultimately led to stepping down of Dahal-led government. India took to vigilant attitude toward Maoists as attacks on Indian envoy, Rakesh Sood, continued.
Thus this strained relation has backfired on the peace process in Nepal. Indian bureaucrats and its intelligence agency, the RAW, are openly seen interfering in the internal politics of the country. From backing the new Madhesi front against the present coalition to covertly supporting the ultra-right forces to the split in the Madhesi Janadhikar Forum so that the left coalition does not have the majority in the CA all at a time when the country is facing the worst crisis. Reportedly, RAW agents in Nepal are even holding parleys with former king Gyanendra.
The Indian civil society and the media are also weary of the Maoists for they argue that there is no guarantee that the constitution will be written within the next extension phase and that the Maoists will abide by the agreements. One think-tank in New Delhi puts it this way: Since Maoists are insensitive to the security concerns of India and have consistently shown dubious nature, India has to ensure some commitments from the party, mainly its chief Prachanda.
It is thus clear that India is not against the Maoist party. It is only against some individuals in the party whom it will not trust under any circumstances now. And most importantly, in order to secure its security interests in Nepal, India will go outright to push the Maoists to the corner.
While engaging at the party-level and playing its cards, India has also adopted a wait and watch attitude. Breaking with the tradition, it is noteworthy that India did not send any special envoy this time when the CA deadline was expiring. It placed its cards using RAW. India usually sent a special envoy in times of crisis to Nepal. It seemed by the actions of RAW that India is not worried about the future of the CA as it stood against the extension from day one. It has joined voice with Nepali Congress in stating that a left-imposed constitution will not be acceptable. The 10-point demand of the Nepali Congress seeking mainly resignation of Jhalanath Khanal and determining the integration number is in line with Indias current Nepal policy. India is waiting to see how much the Maoists will concede.
India is also getting overly anxious at the lack of willingness among the political parties in Nepal, especially the Maoists, to address its security concerns in Nepal. As the cases of fake Indian currency notes increase, border smuggling rises and Indian goods are faked, India wants assurance from Nepal on these matter. Surprisingly, the security issues between Nepal and India remain unresolved and commitments unfulfilled. For instance, the border map is yet to be signed, India still has not received permission to fly its air marshal on Indian flights, and ISI activities remain to be checked. Similarly, India has not done enough to ensure that there is no border encroachment by its Seema Suraksha Bal.
It is in the interest of both the countries to resolve the outstanding issues at the earliest. It is more urgent that the Maoists come to a point of reconciliation and do some serious damage control exercise. Divided opinions among the three factions within the Maoist party on India position is not in the interest of the country.
MYREPUBLICA.com - News in Nepal: Fast, Full & Factual
Republica June 16, 2011
The failure of the political stakeholders in Nepal to arrive at the much-needed consensus to take the peace process to a logical conclusion and to write the constitution has once again raised serious concerns in New Delhi over the future polity in Nepal.
Even after the three-month extension of the Constituent Assembly (CA), which the Indian government was not keen in the first place, the establishment is doubtful whether the peace process and specifically the integration issue would be resolved within this time. The Indian government has been pressing for conclusion of the peace process first before writing of a constitution. The five-point agreement reached on the wee hour of May 29 has been termed vague and a repeat of last years agreement. There is also a section of civil society in India which increasingly feels that the peace deal in Nepal is over and that the country should head for a new election.
Confusion looms large among Indian politicians, bureaucrats, civil society and media on Nepal with a few pressing for an overhaul of Indias policy on Nepal.
As a neighbor, it is natural for India to show concerns at the lack of progress in the peace process as peace and stability in Nepal is in Indias interest. It has also stated time and again that it will back the peace process in Nepal and the democratic transition of the country. But much has gone awry as the southern neighbor has experienced a strain in its relation with the largest political force in Nepal.
The relationship between India and the UCPN (Maoist) has been strained over the years and more so lately due to multiple reasons. First, although India recognizes Maoists as an important political force in Nepal and as stated during the last visit of Maoist Vice-Chairman Baburam Bhattarai to India, it is even ready to back a Maoist-led government. However, India is worried about the lack of commitment as put by officials in New Delhi on the part of the Maoists toward the past agreements. The Maoists are perceived as untrustworthy by the Indian establishment. Second, although India has tried to reconcile with the Maoists insecurities in the peace process, it is now pressing the latter to the corner so that the integration of the Maoist combatants is addressed and the necessary steps taken to resolve all issues pertaining to integration of the PLA combatants once and for all. India has clearly given precedence to concluding the peace process over constitution writing, and to disarm PLA.
Thirdly, the Indian establishment has expressed strong reservations over the ongoing attacks on its business ventures in Nepal by the Maoist activists. The latest in the series is the work halt called by the Maoist workers at Upper Karnali hydro-project. Although the Maoist leaders at the centre repeatedly reassured the Indian side that there will be no obstructions, Maoist workers have put pressure on the GMR consortium, the developer of the Upper Karnali, time and again even asking for direct cash benefits. And fourthly, the Maoists relation with China is perceived with suspicion in India.
Indias relation with the Maoists deteriorated soon after Pushpa Kamal Dahal took office of the prime minister after the CA elections. Maoists tilt toward Chinese was imminent. And although Dahal assured India that he was committed to have friendly relations with the latter, attack on Indian businesses continues. This was aggravated when UCPN (Maoist) did not show sincerity in integration issue. India opposed the Maoist governments decision to sack the then army chief Rookmangud Katawal, which ultimately led to stepping down of Dahal-led government. India took to vigilant attitude toward Maoists as attacks on Indian envoy, Rakesh Sood, continued.
Thus this strained relation has backfired on the peace process in Nepal. Indian bureaucrats and its intelligence agency, the RAW, are openly seen interfering in the internal politics of the country. From backing the new Madhesi front against the present coalition to covertly supporting the ultra-right forces to the split in the Madhesi Janadhikar Forum so that the left coalition does not have the majority in the CA all at a time when the country is facing the worst crisis. Reportedly, RAW agents in Nepal are even holding parleys with former king Gyanendra.
The Indian civil society and the media are also weary of the Maoists for they argue that there is no guarantee that the constitution will be written within the next extension phase and that the Maoists will abide by the agreements. One think-tank in New Delhi puts it this way: Since Maoists are insensitive to the security concerns of India and have consistently shown dubious nature, India has to ensure some commitments from the party, mainly its chief Prachanda.
It is thus clear that India is not against the Maoist party. It is only against some individuals in the party whom it will not trust under any circumstances now. And most importantly, in order to secure its security interests in Nepal, India will go outright to push the Maoists to the corner.
While engaging at the party-level and playing its cards, India has also adopted a wait and watch attitude. Breaking with the tradition, it is noteworthy that India did not send any special envoy this time when the CA deadline was expiring. It placed its cards using RAW. India usually sent a special envoy in times of crisis to Nepal. It seemed by the actions of RAW that India is not worried about the future of the CA as it stood against the extension from day one. It has joined voice with Nepali Congress in stating that a left-imposed constitution will not be acceptable. The 10-point demand of the Nepali Congress seeking mainly resignation of Jhalanath Khanal and determining the integration number is in line with Indias current Nepal policy. India is waiting to see how much the Maoists will concede.
India is also getting overly anxious at the lack of willingness among the political parties in Nepal, especially the Maoists, to address its security concerns in Nepal. As the cases of fake Indian currency notes increase, border smuggling rises and Indian goods are faked, India wants assurance from Nepal on these matter. Surprisingly, the security issues between Nepal and India remain unresolved and commitments unfulfilled. For instance, the border map is yet to be signed, India still has not received permission to fly its air marshal on Indian flights, and ISI activities remain to be checked. Similarly, India has not done enough to ensure that there is no border encroachment by its Seema Suraksha Bal.
It is in the interest of both the countries to resolve the outstanding issues at the earliest. It is more urgent that the Maoists come to a point of reconciliation and do some serious damage control exercise. Divided opinions among the three factions within the Maoist party on India position is not in the interest of the country.
MYREPUBLICA.com - News in Nepal: Fast, Full & Factual
