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I Commanded Afghan Troops This Year. We Were Betrayed.

OPINION
GUEST ESSAY
I Commanded Afghan Troops This Year. We Were Betrayed.
Aug. 25, 2021


merlin_192574980_6b307b17-5f9b-4641-a7db-32d7984ffed5-articleLarge.jpg

merlin_192574980_6b307b17-5f9b-4641-a7db-32d7984ffed5-articleLarge.jpg


By Sami Sadat
General Sadat is a commander in the Afghan National Army.


For the past three and a half months, I fought day and night, nonstop, in southern Afghanistan’s Helmand Province against an escalating and bloody Taliban offensive. Coming under frequent attack, we held the Taliban back and inflicted heavy casualties. Then I was called to Kabul to command Afghanistan’s special forces. But the Taliban already were entering the city; it was too late.

I am exhausted. I am frustrated. And I am angry.

President Biden said last week that “American troops cannot and should not be fighting in a war and dying in a war that Afghan forces are not willing to fight for themselves.”

It’s true that the Afghan Army lost its will to fight. But that’s because of the growing sense of abandonment by our American partners and the disrespect and disloyalty reflected in Mr. Biden’s tone and words over the past few months. The Afghan Army is not without blame. It had its problems — cronyism, bureaucracy — but we ultimately stopped fighting because our partners already had.

It pains me to see Mr. Biden and Western officials are blaming the Afghan Army for collapsing without mentioning the underlying reasons that happened. Political divisions in Kabul and Washington strangled the army and limited our ability to do our jobs. Losing combat logistical support that the United States had provided for years crippled us, as did a lack of clear guidance from U.S. and Afghan leadership.

I am a three-star general in the Afghan Army. For 11 months, as commander of 215 Maiwand Corps, I led 15,000 men in combat operations against the Taliban in southwestern Afghanistan. I’ve lost hundreds of officers and soldiers. That’s why, as exhausted and frustrated as I am, I wanted to offer a practical perspective and defend the honor of the Afghan Army. I’m not here to absolve the Afghan Army of mistakes. But the fact is, many of us fought valiantly and honorably, only to be let down by American and Afghan leadership.

Two weeks ago, while battling to hold the southern city of Lashkar Gah from the Taliban, President Ashraf Ghani named me commander of Afghanistan’s special forces, the country’s most elite fighters. I reluctantly left my troops and arrived in Kabul on Aug. 15, ready to fight — unaware how bad the situation already was. Then Mr. Ghani handed me the added task of ensuring the security of Kabul. But I never even had a chance: The Taliban were closing in, and Mr. Ghani fled the country.

There is an enormous sense of betrayal here. Mr. Ghani’s hasty escape ended efforts to negotiate an interim agreement for a transition period with the Taliban that would have enabled us to hold the city and help manage evacuations. Instead, chaos ensued — resulting in the desperate scenes witnessed at the Kabul airport.
It was in response to those scenes that Mr. Biden said on Aug. 16 that the Afghan forces collapsed, “sometimes without trying to fight.” But we fought, bravely, until the end. We lost 66,000 troops over the past 20 years; that’s one-fifth of our estimated fighting force.

So why did the Afghan military collapse? The answer is threefold.
First, former President Donald Trump’s February 2020 peace deal with the Taliban in Doha doomed us. It put an expiration date on American interest in the region. Second, we lost contractor logistics and maintenance support critical to our combat operations. Third, the corruption endemic in Mr. Ghani’s government that flowed to senior military leadership and long crippled our forces on the ground irreparably hobbled us.

The Trump-Taliban agreement shaped the circumstances for the current situation by essentially curtailing offensive combat operations for U.S. and allied troops. The U.S. air-support rules of engagement for Afghan security forces effectively changed overnight, and the Taliban were emboldened. They could sense victory and knew it was just a matter of waiting out the Americans. Before that deal, the Taliban had not won any significant battles against the Afghan Army. After the agreement? We were losing dozens of soldiers a day.


merlin_193175412_f2790075-c48c-4d62-8001-e2aaee8d8ae1-articleLarge.jpg

Image
Lt. Gen. Sami Sadat commanded the Afghan National Army’s 215 Maiwand Corps in southwestern Afghanistan.

Lt. Gen. Sami Sadat commanded the Afghan National Army’s 215 Maiwand Corps in southwestern

Still, we kept fighting. But then Mr. Biden confirmed in April he would stick to Mr. Trump’s plan and set the terms for the U.S. drawdown. That was when everything started to go downhill.

The Afghan forces were trained by the Americans using the U.S. military model based on highly technical special reconnaissance units, helicopters and airstrikes. We lost our superiority to the Taliban when our air support dried up and our ammunition ran out.

Contractors maintained our bombers and our attack and transport aircraft throughout the war. By July, most of the 17,000 support contractors had left. A technical issue now meant that aircraft — a Black Hawk helicopter, a C-130 transport, a surveillance drone — would be grounded.

The contractors also took proprietary software and weapons systems with them. They physically removed our helicopter missile-defense system. Access to the software that we relied on to track our vehicles, weapons and personnel also disappeared. Real-time intelligence on targets went out the window, too.

The Taliban fought with snipers and improvised explosive devices while we lost aerial and laser-guided weapon capacity. And since we could not resupply bases without helicopter support, soldiers often lacked the necessary tools to fight. The Taliban overran many bases; in other places, entire units surrendered.

Mr. Biden’s full and accelerated withdrawal only exacerbated the situation. It ignored conditions on the ground. The Taliban had a firm end date from the Americans and feared no military reprisal for anything they did in the interim, sensing the lack of U.S. will.

And so the Taliban kept ramping up. My soldiers and I endured up to seven Taliban car bombings daily throughout July and the first week of August in Helmand Province. Still, we stood our ground.

I cannot ignore the third factor, though, because there was only so much the Americans could do when it came to the well-documented corruption that rotted our government and military. That really is our national tragedy. So many of our leaders — including in the military — were installed for their personal ties, not for their credentials. These appointments had a devastating impact on the national army because leaders lacked the military experience to be effective or inspire the confidence and trust of the men being asked to risk their lives. Disruptions to food rations and fuel supplies — a result of skimming and corrupt contract allocations — destroyed the morale of my troops.

The final days of fighting were surreal. We engaged in intense firefights on the ground against the Taliban as U.S. fighter jets circled overhead, effectively spectators. Our sense of abandonment and betrayal was equaled only by the frustration U.S. pilots felt and relayed to us — being forced to witness the ground war, apparently unable to help us. Overwhelmed by Taliban fire, my soldiers would hear the planes and ask why they were not providing air support. Morale was devastated. Across Afghanistan, soldiers stopped fighting. We held Lashkar Gah in fierce battles, but as the rest of the country fell, we lacked the support to continue fighting and retreated to base. My corps, which had carried on even after I was called away to Kabul, was one of the last to give up its arms — only after the capital fell.

We were betrayed by politics and presidents.

This was not an Afghan war only; it was an international war, with many militaries involved. It would have been impossible for one army alone, ours, to take up the job and fight. This was a military defeat, but it emanated from political failure.

More on the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan
https://www.nytimes.com/2021/08/23/...tion=click&module=RelatedLinks&pgtype=Article
https://www.nytimes.com/2021/08/24/...tion=click&module=RelatedLinks&pgtype=Article
Lt. Gen. Sami Sadat commanded the Afghan National Army’s 215 Maiwand Corps in southwestern Afghanistan. Before that, he served as a senior director in Afghanistan’s national intelligence agency. He is a graduate of the Defense Academy of the U.K. and holds a master's degree from King’s College London.

The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips. And here’s our email: letters@nytimes.com.
Follow The New York Times Opinion section on
Facebook, Twitter (@NYTopinion) and Instagram.


A version of this article appears in print on Aug. 26, 2021, Section A, Page 23 of the New York edition with the headline: I Led Afghan Troops. The U.S. Betrayed Us.. Order Reprints | Today’s Paper | Subscribe


https://www.nytimes.com/2021/08/25/opinion/afghanistan-taliban-army.html

interesting article i would encourage to read its
its not BIAS like western media
now i know why the Afghan air force was setting duck
the article covered all side no buttering up

TAKE NOTE NEVER EVER TRUST USA NATO EU AND THERE BACKED GOV

thanks
 
I agree with Sami Sadat to the point that the American government overtly and covertly collaborated wholesale with the Taliban and guided them to take over Afghanistan. Now where I don't agree with him is him being part of the also American-guided Ghani government. Both the Taliban and Ghani are not what Afghanistan requires. What the country, society, requires is a progressive movement like the Solidarity Party of Afghanistan which opposes the Taliban, the Ghani government and the Norther Alliance because they are not too different.

Sami Sadat wasn't betrayed, if he was, he'd be in jail for murdering innocent people.

If anything, he got the best deal out of his compatriots, considering he's now safe and sound in some European country right now.

The boy is a war criminal.

So the Taliban are not war criminals ? You support the Taliban here and you don't support the Russians in Ukraine. No surprise.
 
Betrayed, coming from a Afghan ? wow, what's next ? Israel complaining about others for killing kids ? what a strange world we live in...
 
How many officers and soldiers of 215 Corps were trained by Indian army or graduated from Indian military academy.
 
OPINION
GUEST ESSAY
I Commanded Afghan Troops This Year. We Were Betrayed.
Aug. 25, 2021


merlin_192574980_6b307b17-5f9b-4641-a7db-32d7984ffed5-articleLarge.jpg

merlin_192574980_6b307b17-5f9b-4641-a7db-32d7984ffed5-articleLarge.jpg


By Sami Sadat
General Sadat is a commander in the Afghan National Army.


For the past three and a half months, I fought day and night, nonstop, in southern Afghanistan’s Helmand Province against an escalating and bloody Taliban offensive. Coming under frequent attack, we held the Taliban back and inflicted heavy casualties. Then I was called to Kabul to command Afghanistan’s special forces. But the Taliban already were entering the city; it was too late.

I am exhausted. I am frustrated. And I am angry.

President Biden said last week that “American troops cannot and should not be fighting in a war and dying in a war that Afghan forces are not willing to fight for themselves.”

It’s true that the Afghan Army lost its will to fight. But that’s because of the growing sense of abandonment by our American partners and the disrespect and disloyalty reflected in Mr. Biden’s tone and words over the past few months. The Afghan Army is not without blame. It had its problems — cronyism, bureaucracy — but we ultimately stopped fighting because our partners already had.

It pains me to see Mr. Biden and Western officials are blaming the Afghan Army for collapsing without mentioning the underlying reasons that happened. Political divisions in Kabul and Washington strangled the army and limited our ability to do our jobs. Losing combat logistical support that the United States had provided for years crippled us, as did a lack of clear guidance from U.S. and Afghan leadership.

I am a three-star general in the Afghan Army. For 11 months, as commander of 215 Maiwand Corps, I led 15,000 men in combat operations against the Taliban in southwestern Afghanistan. I’ve lost hundreds of officers and soldiers. That’s why, as exhausted and frustrated as I am, I wanted to offer a practical perspective and defend the honor of the Afghan Army. I’m not here to absolve the Afghan Army of mistakes. But the fact is, many of us fought valiantly and honorably, only to be let down by American and Afghan leadership.

Two weeks ago, while battling to hold the southern city of Lashkar Gah from the Taliban, President Ashraf Ghani named me commander of Afghanistan’s special forces, the country’s most elite fighters. I reluctantly left my troops and arrived in Kabul on Aug. 15, ready to fight — unaware how bad the situation already was. Then Mr. Ghani handed me the added task of ensuring the security of Kabul. But I never even had a chance: The Taliban were closing in, and Mr. Ghani fled the country.

There is an enormous sense of betrayal here. Mr. Ghani’s hasty escape ended efforts to negotiate an interim agreement for a transition period with the Taliban that would have enabled us to hold the city and help manage evacuations. Instead, chaos ensued — resulting in the desperate scenes witnessed at the Kabul airport.
It was in response to those scenes that Mr. Biden said on Aug. 16 that the Afghan forces collapsed, “sometimes without trying to fight.” But we fought, bravely, until the end. We lost 66,000 troops over the past 20 years; that’s one-fifth of our estimated fighting force.

So why did the Afghan military collapse? The answer is threefold.
First, former President Donald Trump’s February 2020 peace deal with the Taliban in Doha doomed us. It put an expiration date on American interest in the region. Second, we lost contractor logistics and maintenance support critical to our combat operations. Third, the corruption endemic in Mr. Ghani’s government that flowed to senior military leadership and long crippled our forces on the ground irreparably hobbled us.

The Trump-Taliban agreement shaped the circumstances for the current situation by essentially curtailing offensive combat operations for U.S. and allied troops. The U.S. air-support rules of engagement for Afghan security forces effectively changed overnight, and the Taliban were emboldened. They could sense victory and knew it was just a matter of waiting out the Americans. Before that deal, the Taliban had not won any significant battles against the Afghan Army. After the agreement? We were losing dozens of soldiers a day.


merlin_193175412_f2790075-c48c-4d62-8001-e2aaee8d8ae1-articleLarge.jpg

Image
Lt. Gen. Sami Sadat commanded the Afghan National Army’s 215 Maiwand Corps in southwestern Afghanistan.

Lt. Gen. Sami Sadat commanded the Afghan National Army’s 215 Maiwand Corps in southwestern

Still, we kept fighting. But then Mr. Biden confirmed in April he would stick to Mr. Trump’s plan and set the terms for the U.S. drawdown. That was when everything started to go downhill.

The Afghan forces were trained by the Americans using the U.S. military model based on highly technical special reconnaissance units, helicopters and airstrikes. We lost our superiority to the Taliban when our air support dried up and our ammunition ran out.

Contractors maintained our bombers and our attack and transport aircraft throughout the war. By July, most of the 17,000 support contractors had left. A technical issue now meant that aircraft — a Black Hawk helicopter, a C-130 transport, a surveillance drone — would be grounded.

The contractors also took proprietary software and weapons systems with them. They physically removed our helicopter missile-defense system. Access to the software that we relied on to track our vehicles, weapons and personnel also disappeared. Real-time intelligence on targets went out the window, too.

The Taliban fought with snipers and improvised explosive devices while we lost aerial and laser-guided weapon capacity. And since we could not resupply bases without helicopter support, soldiers often lacked the necessary tools to fight. The Taliban overran many bases; in other places, entire units surrendered.

Mr. Biden’s full and accelerated withdrawal only exacerbated the situation. It ignored conditions on the ground. The Taliban had a firm end date from the Americans and feared no military reprisal for anything they did in the interim, sensing the lack of U.S. will.

And so the Taliban kept ramping up. My soldiers and I endured up to seven Taliban car bombings daily throughout July and the first week of August in Helmand Province. Still, we stood our ground.

I cannot ignore the third factor, though, because there was only so much the Americans could do when it came to the well-documented corruption that rotted our government and military. That really is our national tragedy. So many of our leaders — including in the military — were installed for their personal ties, not for their credentials. These appointments had a devastating impact on the national army because leaders lacked the military experience to be effective or inspire the confidence and trust of the men being asked to risk their lives. Disruptions to food rations and fuel supplies — a result of skimming and corrupt contract allocations — destroyed the morale of my troops.

The final days of fighting were surreal. We engaged in intense firefights on the ground against the Taliban as U.S. fighter jets circled overhead, effectively spectators. Our sense of abandonment and betrayal was equaled only by the frustration U.S. pilots felt and relayed to us — being forced to witness the ground war, apparently unable to help us. Overwhelmed by Taliban fire, my soldiers would hear the planes and ask why they were not providing air support. Morale was devastated. Across Afghanistan, soldiers stopped fighting. We held Lashkar Gah in fierce battles, but as the rest of the country fell, we lacked the support to continue fighting and retreated to base. My corps, which had carried on even after I was called away to Kabul, was one of the last to give up its arms — only after the capital fell.

We were betrayed by politics and presidents.

This was not an Afghan war only; it was an international war, with many militaries involved. It would have been impossible for one army alone, ours, to take up the job and fight. This was a military defeat, but it emanated from political failure.

More on the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan
https://www.nytimes.com/2021/08/23/...tion=click&module=RelatedLinks&pgtype=Article
https://www.nytimes.com/2021/08/24/...tion=click&module=RelatedLinks&pgtype=Article
Lt. Gen. Sami Sadat commanded the Afghan National Army’s 215 Maiwand Corps in southwestern Afghanistan. Before that, he served as a senior director in Afghanistan’s national intelligence agency. He is a graduate of the Defense Academy of the U.K. and holds a master's degree from King’s College London.

The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips. And here’s our email: letters@nytimes.com.
Follow The New York Times Opinion section on
Facebook, Twitter (@NYTopinion) and Instagram.


A version of this article appears in print on Aug. 26, 2021, Section A, Page 23 of the New York edition with the headline: I Led Afghan Troops. The U.S. Betrayed Us.. Order Reprints | Today’s Paper | Subscribe


https://www.nytimes.com/2021/08/25/opinion/afghanistan-taliban-army.html
Malala 2.0??
He should count his blessings and chup kar k drive a taxi or deliver food in some white country.
 
Difayi jihad

A term Afghan Talibans took seriously and believed in.

But the other half of the Muslims, shall I say a bit of liberal version did not believe in martyrdom. Or shall I see a few of them did.
 
I agree with Sami Sadat to the point that the American government overtly and covertly collaborated wholesale with the Taliban and guided them to take over Afghanistan. Now where I don't agree with him is him being part of the also American-guided Ghani government. Both the Taliban and Ghani are not what Afghanistan requires. What the country, society, requires is a progressive movement like the Solidarity Party of Afghanistan which opposes the Taliban, the Ghani government and the Norther Alliance because they are not too different.



So the Taliban are not war criminals ? You support the Taliban here and you don't support the Russians in Ukraine. No surprise.
When did I ever support the taliban? When did I ever suggest the taliban aren't war criminals?

I got ridiculed on here for calling the taliban Pakistan's enemy, and this was years ago, and I have never once changed my stance on this.

Anyone with a functional brain on this forum knows my stance.

The negative rating is for blatantly lying, because you know full well my stance on the taliban.
 
When did I ever support the taliban? When did I ever suggest the taliban aren't war criminals?

I got ridiculed on here for calling the taliban Pakistan's enemy, and this was years ago, and I have never once changed my stance on this.

Anyone with a functional brain on this forum knows my stance.

The negative rating is for blatantly lying, because you know full well my stance on the taliban.

No, I didn't know your stance on the Taliban because I didn't see you often on the forum until the Russia-Ukraine war started.

And couldn't you just tell me in words instead of giving negative rating ? By giving me a negative rating you are simply using what you think is a valid option for the TTA function the admins have given you but you are simply using a function that has to be abolished because it is an irrational function, something that most TTAs use to, in arrogance, bash someone's head.
 
No, I didn't know your stance on the Taliban because I didn't see you often on the forum until the Russia-Ukraine war started.

And couldn't you just tell me in words instead of giving negative rating ? By giving me a negative rating you are simply using what you think is a valid option for the TTA function the admins have given you but you are simply using a function that has to be abolished because it is an irrational function, something that most TTAs use to, in arrogance, bash someone's head.
So, how were you SOOOOOO confident that you KNEW I supported the taliban? You're blatantly admitting you lied.

Bro, you're just digging yourself into a bigger ditch.

You either call someone arrogant, while saying you've never ever believed in propaganda, or confidently put words in other people's mouths pretend it's the truth, like you did here.

I'm done here, if you have a problem, contact GHQ...

 
So, how were you SOOOOOO confident that you KNEW I supported the taliban? You're blatantly admitting you lied.

Bro, you're just digging yourself into a bigger ditch.

You either call someone arrogant, while saying you've never ever believed in propaganda, or confidently put words in other people's mouths pretend it's the truth, like you did here.

I'm done here, if you have a problem, contact GHQ...


Last word from me, you gave mixed signals. So if you believe that Sami Sadat is a war criminal and the Taliban are also war criminals and don't support them who do you support then ? The progressives from the Solidarity Party of Afghanistan who reject the Taliban, the governments of Ghani and his predecessor, and the Northern Alliance and all the war lords ?
 
Last edited:
Last word from me, you gave mixed signals. So if you believe that Sami Sadat is a war criminal and the Taliban are also war criminals and don't support them who do you support then ? The progressives from the Solidarity Party of Afghanistan who reject the Taliban, the governments of Ghani and his predecessor, and the Northern Alliance and all the war lords ?
I have never once given mixed signals on my opinion of the taliban. I have been open in my criticism, and calling them an enemy of Pakistan.

The great thing about having free will is that I don't have to choose a side, especially since they're all trash. Every Afghan party is anti-Pakistan, full stop.
 

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