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How Will Iran React to the Saudi Led Operation in Yemen?

Code:
یه آشنایی داریم معلم هست
هشت سال پیش پدرم ازش پرسید تو یمن چی کار میکنی این پنج ساله
گفت به شدت داریم کار میکنیم روشون (فرهنگش)
میبینید که مرحله کاشت و داشت تموم شده و اکنون وقت برداشته
در یاد داشته باشین
ایران کانون نیست
ایران امپراطوری درست نمیکنه
ایران خودش رو در حصار قدرت محدود نمیکنه
همه نیروها و کشورهای مقاومت در قانون نقطه پرگار هستن
نقطه اهل بیت پیامبر هستن ب امامت آخرین امام آن

و تمامی این نیروها ک شامل ایران به عنوان هدایت کننده و قوی ترین بازوی مقاومت و حزب الله و انصار الله و تمامی نیروهای مقاومت در کشورهای مختلف در پیرامون این مرکز پرگار هستن
برا همینه که عاشق مرام ایران و رهبر انقلاب هستن
چون دنبال قدرت نیست ایران و دنبال اینه پرچم رو به صاحب اصلی بده

تهاجم ارتجاع عرب ( به رهبری آل سعود ) به یمن / خبر ، گزارش ، تحلیل و ... - صفحه 102 - اخبار تحلیلی - Military.ir
 
Code:
یه آشنایی داریم معلم هست
هشت سال پیش پدرم ازش پرسید تو یمن چی کار میکنی این پنج ساله
گفت به شدت داریم کار میکنیم روشون (فرهنگش)
میبینید که مرحله کاشت و داشت تموم شده و اکنون وقت برداشته
در یاد داشته باشین
ایران کانون نیست
ایران امپراطوری درست نمیکنه
ایران خودش رو در حصار قدرت محدود نمیکنه
همه نیروها و کشورهای مقاومت در قانون نقطه پرگار هستن
نقطه اهل بیت پیامبر هستن ب امامت آخرین امام آن

و تمامی این نیروها ک شامل ایران به عنوان هدایت کننده و قوی ترین بازوی مقاومت و حزب الله و انصار الله و تمامی نیروهای مقاومت در کشورهای مختلف در پیرامون این مرکز پرگار هستن
برا همینه که عاشق مرام ایران و رهبر انقلاب هستن
چون دنبال قدرت نیست ایران و دنبال اینه پرچم رو به صاحب اصلی بده

تهاجم ارتجاع عرب ( به رهبری آل سعود ) به یمن / خبر ، گزارش ، تحلیل و ... - صفحه 102 - اخبار تحلیلی - Military.ir

translated?......
 
Khalid batrfy

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Mother Fucker

پرچم یمن رو زیر پاهاش داشته باشین

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DOnt make me laugh khan. The arabs couldnt defeat little old israel when they united. If a confrontation ever occured most arab countries would back off and it would be only gcc allied woth saudi arabia against Iran and its proxies. Hell would be unleashed on the saudis and mecca would be turned into a parking lot.
Lolz.. and what about Turkey , Pakistan , Malaysia , Indonesia , Bangladesh etc ..... iran will be f***** up ..
 
@SOHEIL
Funny point is that when their so called decisive storm operation started, all of the troll retards from Pakistan, KSA, Turkey, Jordan, ... were jumping up and down, but now after 10 days, they not only achieved nothing, but Houthies gained much more lands!!! That's the true meaning of failure :lol:

PS. In contrast to what some clueless people try to say, Houthies were not Iranian proxies, but this invasion will make them more inclined toward Iran, which is another epic failure of KSA(and their beggar gang)
 
@SOHEIL
Funny point is that when their so called decisive storm operation started, all of the troll retards from Pakistan, KSA, Turkey, Jordan, ... were jumping up and down, but now after 10 days, they not only achieved nothing, but Houthies gained much more lands!!! That's the true meaning of failure :lol:

PS. In contrast to what some clueless people try to say, Houthies were not Iranian proxies, but this invasion will make them more inclined toward Iran, which is another epic failure of KSA(and their beggar gang)

& they want to finish Iran after that :lol:

They have superior AFs ... not for long :D

If you know what i mean !!!
 
There are two things to consider here.

How Saudi actions in Yemen adversely affect Iran’s interests & how the Iranian public feels about crushing of Zaidi Shias by a Sunni coalition?

Let us discuss the second question first. I have visited Sanaa and have seen Sunnis praying in Zaidi mosques & vice versa. Since Zaidis accept the Sheikhain as rightful heirs of the holy Prophet (PBUH), there is very little doctrinal difference between the Zaidis & the Sunnis. Let us not also forget that Saleh was a strong supporter of Saddam Hussein.

It is not a sectarian conflict; it is basically a power struggle among the different Yemeni factions. Essentially an internal Yemen matter. If I were an Iranian, I would worry more about the current & future economic well beings of my family, rather than about who is in power in a faraway country.

The question about a Saudi victory undermining long term Iranian interests is far more relevant. Iran was the most powerful & influential country of the Middle East during the Shah. The things changed dramatically due to the Hostage crisis. That was very short sighted of the revolutionary Iran as Embassy staff enjoy diplomatic immunity all over the world and as a result revolutionary regime lost most of her friends among the international community. Iran is now again trying to regain her rightful place and a proxy war between Saudis & the Iranians is the result.

Iran has been demonized by the Arab coalition, Israel & the West for more than 30 years. In my humble opinion, at this crucial juncture, Iran should not overtly react over Yemen and bide her time. Iran has prudently concluded a nuclear deal. Iran should strictly adhere to it. Iran’s economy is currently in ruins and the Tumaan is down in the dumps. Lifting of sanction is far more crucial to the Iranian economy.

Even if there are problems created by the Republicans in the US; Iran can claim her sincerity in implementing the agreement and thus gain trust of the international community as a reliable peace loving country. In the meantime Iran should concentrate on re-building her economy and industry.

Arab coalition bombing; undoubtedly with the civilian casualties; is likely to create a dislike among the Yeminis in the Shia North and increase in support of Al-Qaida in the Sunni South. Both having a detrimental effect on the long term Saudi influence. Iranian support for the Houthis should therefore be limited to verbal & on the diplomatic front only.
 
Since Zaidis accept the Sheikhain as rightful heirs of the holy Prophet (PBUH)
What sort of BS is this? I dislike this takfiri ideology and don't want to read a word further.

Yemen facts on ground... Militants armed with US weapons, supported by foreign militias and mercenaries.

There are more bitter truths, which cannot go down the throat of defence.pk, so i conclude it here.
 
Many wanted to know how Iran will respond to Saudi operation in Yemen.

Below is an article regarding some history about Iran's role in Yemen (which wasn't any) and how Iran's diplomacy is turning the tides against SA.

The irony is while Houties have never looked at Iran as an ally, now they may look at Iran much more favorably as an ally and friend thanks to SA's operations.

I think Iran should thank SA for this.

Is Iran outmaneuvering Saudi Arabia in Yemen?

The war in Yemen is increasingly being construed as a Saudi contest with Iran. To ascertain the veracity of this oft-repeated conception, two things need to be clarified: whether the conflict is driven by sectarian dynamics and what Iran seeks in Yemen.

Summary⎙ Print Accusations that Iran is aiding Yemen's Houthis increased dramatically in 2009, in large part due to Saudi and Iranian media, though little evidence exists for direct Iranian influence.
Author Mohammad Ali ShabaniPosted April 13, 2015
Yemen has long been the Afghanistan of the Arab world. Most Yemenis live below the poverty rate. The country sits on multiple fault lines, in addition to a long-running border dispute with Saudi Arabia. Following Arab Spring protests, Abed Rabbo Mansour Hadi came to power through a Gulf Cooperation Council-brokeredone-man election, as opposition groups seized on power vacuums. The Houthis have in past months seized major urban centers in collaboration with their old foe (and Hadi’s predecessor) Ali Abdullah Saleh.

Experts on Yemen contend that the Houthis emerged as a Zaydi revivalist movement in response to Saudi-funded Salafist proselytizing in the 1990s. Claims that the group is sectarian and linked to Iran are long-running. Robert Worth, a fellow at the Wilson Center and former New York Times Middle East correspondent, told Al-Monitor, “The Houthis have been accused of being Iranian stooges almost since they were first founded.” However, these accusations have not attracted much credence. Worth, who has been on the ground in Yemen and is working on a book on the legacy of the Arab uprisings, said, “When I started reporting on them in 2007, this accusation was ridiculed by almost everyone — even by Yemeni officials, off the record.”

If there is a Saudi-Iranian contest in Yemen linked to the Houthis, its roots can be traced back to late 2009. As Saudi forces attacked border regions controlled by the Houthis, talk of the latter’s alleged Iranian connection reappeared — with force. The reason was clear, at least in Worth's view: “A ragtag militia had held out for months against the high-tech Saudi military, and even scored some humiliating punches against it. … Meanwhile, the Iranian media lionized the Houthis for their heroic 'resistance.'” US State Department cables published by WikiLeaks expressed skepticism of the Houthis' alleged connections to Iran at the time.

In an interview with Al-Monitor, an anonymous source close to Iran’s Arabic-language Al-Alam news channel confirmed that Iranian media coverage of the situation in Yemen first gained steam in earnest in late 2009, not during the 2011 Arab Spring protests. The latter is important to bear in mind, as the first credible reports of Iranian material assistance to the Houthis only started to surface around 2012. As Worth pointed out: “It’s important to add that Iran was not reaching out only to Houthis. I talked to members of the southern independence movement and some liberal political figures who'd been offered support from Iranian officials. … There is no indication that the Houthis take directions or even advice from Iran, despite many claims to the contrary.”

On April 12, the Saudi foreign minister, in response to Iranian calls for an end to hostilities, said: “Iran is not in charge of Yemen.” If that is the case, then who is Saudi Arabia targeting?

A former senior Iranian diplomat told Al-Monitor, “Riyadh has put itself in a situation where it perceives itself as fighting growing Iranian influence in the region. To this end, the Saudis have opened multiple fronts against Iran, from igniting the ideological conflict between Salafism and Shiism, or challenging Iran over Iraq, Syria, Lebanon and now in Yemen.” The source also pointed to another dynamic in the mix: “The possibly most painful development for Riyadh is the forthcoming thaw in US-Iran ties, and the potential of losing a longtime protector.”

Another important question to consider is whether, and how, Yemen fits into Iran’s regional equation. Kayhan Barzegar, head of the Tehran-based Institute for Middle East Strategic Studies, told Al-Monitor, “Iran's regional policy is based on supporting independent governments to strengthen regional cooperation. An independent Yemen based on an inclusive government will add to the value of this strategy by removing another Arab state that could potentially line up with foreign actors and regional rivals against Iran.”

For Iran, then, is Yemen less about gaining an ally than it is about depriving the Saudis of an anti-Iran ally? Can the same be said about the Saudi calculation?

Perhaps the most noteworthy aspect of the Yemen war is the regional response. A number of states were quick to commit forces to the Saudi offensive, surprisingly including Iran’s longtime ally Sudan. It was also reported that Saudi Arabia had requested that Pakistan commit physical and human assets to the military operations.

However, in past days, active diplomacy on the part of Iran appears to have undermined Saudi Arabia’s effort to regionalize the conflict. Shortly after Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s trip to Tehran last week, which featured a joint Iranian-Turkish call for an end to the conflict in Yemen, Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif traveled to Oman and Pakistan, holding talks focused on Yemen. Surprisingly, Pakistan, a strong ally of Saudi Arabia — which some even portray as Riyadh’s Plan B in case of an Iranian nuclear weapon — has refused any involvement in the Yemen war.

Both the Saudis and the Emiratis have clearly expressed annoyance with the Turkish-Pakistani decision to abstain from joining the war. Their irritation is understandable. The Houthis are still there, Saudi Arabia is losing troops, the idea of a united Sunni front is collapsing and Riyadh is on a trajectory to end up stuck in a costly war against Iranian ghosts — all at an insignificant cost to Tehran.

In Barzegar’s telling, the Iranian approach is likely to include continued support for the Houthis and “if necessary, convince them to form an inclusive government. Iran will not give up interactions with Saudi Arabia and Egypt to find a mutually agreed political solution to end the conflict in Yemen.”

While it is unclear when the war in Yemen will end, what is clear is that Iranian diplomacy is proving to be an effective response to Saudi money and firepower. And with the goals of the Yemen war increasingly muddled, Saudi Arabia and its allies may soon find themselves bogged down in a quagmire.



Read more: http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/ori...emen-saudi-arabia-houthis.html##ixzz3XbHnutUz
 
After almost 8 months since start of SA's Yemen invasion, I thought it was refreshing to take a look at how the whole conflict has unfolded.

Looking at the first page, many were wondering how Iran may respond to SA's move. Most Iranians answered "nothing" as it was Iran's prediction that it will turn into a war of attrition:

Saudi Arabia trapped in messy Yemen war | Toronto Star

Saudi Arabia trapped in messy Yemen war
Saudi Arabia is struggling to find a face-saving way to back out of a costly conflict that threatens to strengthen rival Iran
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HANI MOHAMMED / THE ASSOCIATED PRESS

Smoke rises after a Saudi-led airstrike hit a site in Sanaa, Yemen on Nov. 12, 2015. It has been eight months since Saudi Arabia launched the war in Yemen.

By: Hugh Naylor The Washington Post, Published on Fri Nov 13 2015


BEIRUT—Eight months after launching a war in Yemen, Saudi Arabia appears trapped in a protracted and devastating conflict that is straining relations with its allies, intensifying internal power struggles and emboldening its regional rival, Iran, analysts say.

Since March, the key U.S. ally has led a coalition of mostly Gulf Arab countries and Yemeni fighters in a military campaign to drive out Iranian-aligned rebels who seized the capital, Sanaa, and swaths of the Arabian Peninsula country.

But the coalition appears increasingly hobbled by divisions and unable to find a face-saving way to end the costly conflict.

The rebels, known as Houthis, still control much of Yemen’s north. And in southern areas where the coalition has driven them out, lawlessness has spread as attacks linked to an Islamic State affiliate wreak havoc.

“This war is draining the Saudis militarily, politically, strategically,” said Farea al-Muslimi, a Yemen analyst at the Beirut-based Carnegie Middle East Center.

“The problem is, they’re stuck there.”

Saudi Arabia is the region’s Sunni Muslim powerhouse and fears that Shiite Iran is using the Houthis, who are also Shiite, as proxies in Yemen.


The rebels toppled the Yemeni government in February, forcing President Abed Rabbo Mansour Hadi to flee to Saudi Arabia. The Saudi-led coalition — which includes Bahrain and the United Arab Emirates — responded with airstrikes and then a ground offensive in an effort to return Hadi’s government to power.

Speaking by telephone, Ahmed Asseri, a spokesman for the Saudi-led coalition, said it “is too early to make judgments” about the campaign.

But as the conflict drags on, mounting civilian casualties and a worsening humanitarian crisis have drawn criticism from international rights groups and lawmakers in the United States, an arms supplier for the key oil producer. More than 5,400 people have been killed since the intervention began, and UN officials warn of famine in the desperately poor country of 25 million people.

On Tuesday, British Foreign Secretary Philip Hammond called for an investigation into whether the use of British weapons sold to Saudi Arabia had violated international law.

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ABDULLAH AL-QADRY

Armed Yemeni tribesmen who support Yemen's Saudi-backed President Abedrabbo Mansour Hadi.

In October, 13 congressmen sent a letter to President Barack Obama calling on the administration to work with Saudi Arabia “to protect innocent lives and reduce the potential for backlash against U.S. interests.”

The United States has provided logistical and intelligence assistance to the Saudis in their campaign in Yemen. U.S. intelligence officials have expressed concern that the conflict has strengthened Yemen’s Al Qaeda affiliate.

The United States has also expressed concern about the civilian toll but has refrained from directly criticizing Saudi Arabia for the attacks, including one on the Yemeni port city of Mokha that killed 65 people in July.

“The United States has no role in targeting decisions made by the coalition in Yemen,” the National Security Council said in a statement issued last month.

Inside the kingdom, analysts say, the war has intensified apparent power struggles within the secretive and opaque royal family.

King Salman, who took power in January, has rattled the kingdom with shakeups, including the appointment of his 30-year-old son to deputy crown prince and defence minister, placing him in charge of the Yemen campaign. An economy battered by low oil prices has added to the friction. Dissenters within the royal family have released several open letters criticizing the king.

“It’s all somewhat murky, of course, but the war is generating this competition for power,” said Yezid Sayigh, a Middle East analyst at the Carnegie Middle East Center.

The relatively small number of Saudi troops fighting in Yemen — estimated at several hundred — signals Saudi rulers’ heightened concern about the potential domestic blowback over casualties from the war, Sayigh said.

Despite requests from Saudi Arabia, allies such as Egypt and Pakistan have refused to send in ground forces. Several thousand UAE troops have taken the lead on the ground in Yemen.

But allied Yemeni fighters say that the coalition has deployed far too few soldiers, causing a land offensive that started in June to falter.

“We haven’t received enough support from the coalition,” said Aref Jamel, a senior commander of a militia group that is fighting Houthi rebels in Taiz, Yemen’s third-largest city.

The battle for Taiz has been especially brutal, with rebels indiscriminately shelling civilian areas and cutting off supplies of water and food to the city. Anti-Houthi militias in the city, which is about 160 miles (257 kilometres) south of the capital, say they have been left on their own in the fight.

In Marib province, also within striking distance of Sanaa, coalition forces appear to be mired in back-and-forth battles. In September, a Houthi-fired missile killed at least 60 Saudi, UAE and Bahraini troops in the province. But it is unclear whether a deployment of reinforcement troops from Qatar — reported by Qatari media after the missile incident — actually arrived, said Ahmed al-Zayedi, a pro-coalition tribesman in Marib.

“There isn’t enough support from the coalition, and there is a lot of frustration” among anti-Houthi tribes in the area, he said.

Perhaps more alarming for Saudi Arabia is the lawlessness plaguing Aden, the key southern port city that coalition ground forces seized from the rebels in June.

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ABDULLAH AL-QADRY

Armed Yemeni tribesmen, supporters of Yemen's Saudi-backed President, fire from a tank in the area of Sirwah in Yemen on Nov. 3, 2015.

In October, an Islamic State affiliate claimed responsibility for bombings that targeted coalition troops as well as a hotel used as a headquarters for the Hadi government. Government ministers fled the city after the attacks.

Meanwhile, conservative Islamists — including some who openly fly Al Qaeda’s flag — have stormed universities and markets in the city to demand the separation of men and women in public spaces, residents say.

“It’s chaos here,” said Wadhah al-Yemen al-Hariri, 48, a civil engineer who lives in Aden.

Saudi and UAE troops in the city, he said, keep out of the public eye. “We don’t understand what their role is here,” Hariri said.

It is unclear how Saudi Arabia can end its military involvement without coming off as the loser. A ground assault to wrest Sanaa and northern areas from rebel control could produce many coalition casualties. UN-backed peace efforts, moreover, have repeatedly failed while rebels are escalating the fight by launching cross-border attacks into southern Saudi Arabia.

Christopher Davidson, an expert on Persian Gulf countries at Durham University in Britain, said Iranian leaders view the Saudi troubles in Yemen as a strategic gain in the countries’ competition for influence in Syria’s civil war and elsewhere in the region. Iran backs the government of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, while Saudi Arabia supports the opposition.

In Tehran, Saudi Arabia is seen as unable to defeat ragtag Houthi fighters despite its advanced, Western-made arms, Davidson said.

“As far as Iran is concerned, this war demonstrates that Saudi Arabia just isn’t as formidable a counterweight as many people had thought,” he said.
 
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