Hitler ..hes huge in India

[idune]

Wow. Talk about being politically incorrect, unless your in Gaza Strip. File this under WTF.

Its obvious you are upset from revelation. So which group you belong to - hindutva or Hitler fan club?

 

[rubyjackass]

It can also mean India has many academics. I know 3 guys, without thinking for a second, who have read Mein-Kampf.
I don't see them anywhere close to Hindutva ideology.
Even if it were so, conspiracy theorists have a reason to celebrate now. Indians(or Hindus) and Jews are going to fall out!!

 

[toxic_pus]

I know 3 guys, without thinking for a second, who have read Mein-Kampf.

Make that 4 . I still have the pdf somewhere on some disk. I can try to dig it out, if anybody wants it.

It is a rant of a megalomaniac. Too boring.

 

[Unbeliever]

He is much much "huger" in the Islamic world though, isn't he.. one of the reason my kinsmen are so popular in Arabia,Iran, Pakistan and even in "secular" Turkey..

http://www.windsofchange.net/archives/006690.html
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/1388161/Mein-Kampf-for-sale-in-Arabic.html


google it to find more sources...
I mean given he history and present of Islamic antisemitism it comes at no surprise. But this topic, to criticize India for THAT of all things is just silly.

 

[agastya]

Make that 4 . I still have the pdf somewhere on some disk. I can try to dig it out, if anybody wants it.

It is a rant of a megalomaniac. Too boring.

hey i want to read it send one to me!!!

 

[Mig-29]

Its obvious you are upset from revelation. So which group you belong to - hindutva or Hitler fan club?

looks like Bangladeshi army follows the footsteps of someone , because their genocide and maintaining concentration camps is unmatched in the region.

There have been massive and systematic human rights violations in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT), committed by the Bangladeshi security forces and the Bangladeshi settlers. The Jumma people have been murdered, crippled, raped, tortured, imprisoned and deprived of their homes and means of livelihood. They have been denied civil and political rights.

Netherlands based Organizing Committee for CHT Campaign reported 278 cases of Human Rights violations committed between July 1985 to December 1985. The human rights abuses include murders, torture, rape, arson, robbery, abduction, forcible conversion to Islam and electoral fraud. The policy of the Bangladesh government had been to destroy the local inhabitants in order to settle its Muslim co-religionist in their place. Torture of the CHT people is carried out by the Bangladesh armed forces everyday. It is so brutal and severe that many of the victims are crippled and most of them die prematurely. Most commonly, the Bangladesh military or paramilitary personnel enter Jumma villages in the early hours of the morning and take away a small number of able-bodied young men of the village or occasionally the village headman, to their camps. The arrests are undertaken without using any legal procedure such as the presentation of arrest warrants or bringing the arrested person before a magistrate within 24 hours, as the Criminal Procedure Code specifies for arrests by police officers. The Chittagong Hill Tracts had never been officially declared a "disturbed area" so that the provisions of the Disturbed Areas (Special Powers) Ordinance, 1962 - the 1980 Disturbed Areas Bill never had been enacted - had not been invoked. As a result no legal procedures were in force specifically providing for civilians to be arrested by military or paramilitary forces.
1. Military Induced Terror

Jumma villagers detained for questioning by the Bangladesh military and paramilitary personnel are regularly tortured. Such prisoners are generally kept in pits or trenches some seven or eight feet deep, dug within the perimeter of the army or BDR (Bangladesh Rifles) camps; Jumma villagers have often been compelled to dig these pits in the first instance. One of the two sides of the pit or trench is protected by a fence of bamboo stakes. Prisoners are held in groups of up to 15 or 20 at one time in these conditions. Several former prisoners said that soldiers sprinkled hot water over the pit or trench to increase their discomfort almost daily. Prisoners are then taken out singly from the pit for interrogation. The techniques of torture which former prisoners reported to be most frequently used during interrogation are: extensive beating, with rifle ***** and sticks, on all parts of the body; pouring very hot water into the nostrils and mouth; hanging the prisoner upside down, often from a tree, for long periods and poking him with a bayonet or stick; hanging the prisoner by the shoulders for long periods and then beating the soles of the feet; and burning with cigarettes. Over the years, many Jumma villagers died in custody as a result of the treatment they received. A middle-aged teacher from Laogang village, in the Panchari area, described his experiences to the Amnesty International thus:

"In the first week of December (1985) the army came to my village and said that it was looking for those who train and support Shanti Bahini boys. When they failed to find anyone they caught hold of me and took me trussed up and blindfolded to an army camp where I found that several Chakmas were already present. Immediately the troops and the officer in charge began to beat us up asking for the whereabouts of the Shanti Bahini people. Since we did not know anything we could give them no information. The soldiers then took us to a part of the army camp where a huge deep pit was already present. All the while they were kicking and abusing, spitting at us and shoving with rifle *****. We were all thrown into the pit and for several days soldiers came and threw boiling water at us whenever they felt like having a little fun because whenever that happened all of us tried to get under each other for cover. We were often dragged out individually and subjected to third degree treatment. Boiling water was poured into our nostrils and mouth. For several hours we were hung from the trees upside down and beaten with sticks. Once I was hung from the trees by my shoulders and beaten with cane on the bare soles of my feet. We were given food not more than once a day and were constantly threatened that we would not be allowed to go out alive. All this while I had no contact with my family. It is ridiculous even to suggest that I could have contacted a lawyer and tried for bail. I still have scars of burns from boiling water over my body."

This interview was conducted six months after the teacher's detention. Faint scars on his body were visible to the naked eye but could not be successfully photographed. Other accounts of treatment in army or BDR camps by villagers from other places are markedly consistent with the above account, as is illustrated by the experience of a villager from Rangapani, also in the Panchari area:

"I was arrested by the army who said that I knew about the activities of the Shanti Bahini boys, which was incorrect but they took me away to a military camp near Khagrachari where I was detained along with several other Chakmas in a deep pit. As a routine of almost every day soldiers came and sprinkled boiling water on the pit. We were given nothing to eat but watery dal (a lentil dish) and pasty rice. They took each one of us out individually for torture and questioning. Usually the torture meant severe beating with cane, rifle ***** and hanging the man upside down from a tree which made it easy for the soldiers to pour boiling water into his nostrils and mouth. This was done to me three times. Also one afternoon the officer came and poked various parts of my body with a cigarette. I still bear the burn marks on my right cheek".

"When they were unable to get anything out of me, they threatened me with electric shock. I was taken to a room where they had kept a bucket of water in which they had dipped two live wires tied to a razor blade. They stripped me and asked me to urinate in the bucket. They kept on beating me up but even though I tried I wasn't able to do it because of fear. They beat me up till I fell unconscious and threw me back in the pit. All the while we had no way of contacting a lawyer or court. My family had no way of contacting me as well, but they were able to contact (a member of the Panchari Union Parishad - council) who was able to secure my release."

Several former Jumma prisoners had also been threatened with the electric shock treatment. Another villager from the panchari area described the experience of his 27-year-old son during December 1985, when his son had been held for 23 days in Khagrachari cantonment:

"The torture basically was army men throwing hot water into their nostrils and mouth and mercilessly beating. When the army got no information from my son in spite of this, he was subjected to electric shock in the cantonment. The shocks were administered with as crude a device as two naked electric wires which the soldiers touched to different parts of the detainee's body, particularly on the tongue and spinal cord. Hy son was released after I pleaded with the Union Council which intervened."

This villager also stated that one of the people held with his son, Santoshmani Chakma, died as a result of torture. Mass tortures were also meted out to the Jumma villagers during searches for the Shanti Bahini guerillas and supporters, they are rounded up from their homes and a few of them, often the young men, are picked out and tortured in front of the assembled villagers. The methods of torture cited are the same as those reported to be used regularly on prisoners held in army or BDR camps. One such incident occurred at Monatek village, Mohalchari on 19 september 1984. Police personnel from the Armed Police Battalion (APB) based at Mohalchari are reported to have rounded up the villagers at around 10 pm on open ground near the village. Four men were then said to have been selected from among the assembled group and in front of all the others they were reportedly hung upside down, beaten and had water poured in their nostrils and mouth.
2. Concentration Camps

Torture also used when coercing the Jumma villagers to move from their homes into collective farms, or "cluster villages". The policy of establishing what were essentially collective farms began in 1964, to encourage tribal people to settle on permanent land plots rather than continue jhum (slash and burn) cultivation. Since around 1977, however, it appears that the settlements to which the Jumma people have been moved bear greater resemblance to "concentration camps", since army, BDR or police camps are also established alongside them. The relocation of the Jumma villagers has been presented by law enforcement personnel as being in the villagers' best interests although the implementation of this policy serve other purposes: through the close surveillance of the Jumma villagers, assistance and shelter to the Shanti Bahini can be prevented, while the land vacated by the Jumma villagers may then be used for resettling Bangladeshi settlers from other parts of the country. These "cluster villages" were established throughout the Chittagong Hill Tracts. In early 1986, an effort to intensify the formation of "cluster villages" in the northern parts of the Chittagong Hill Tracts was begun by the law enforcement personnel of Bangladesh. The area affected included villages in the Mohalchari-Nanyarchari-Khagrachari locality. A member of the Marma nationality described the experience of his village, Khularam Para, near Mohalchari:

"On 27 January (1986), about 50 armed men from Hajachara camp, commanded by a captain, raided my village and ordered people to move to a cluster village at Hobachari. The captain gave a speech and said that for our own safety, development and for destroying the Shanti Bahini it was necessary for us to move to larger villages. When we refused they took aside about 20 of my villagers and tortured them in full public view by burning them with cigarettes, beating them with rifle ***** and spitting on their faces....Later the village was burnt and everyone ran helter skelter".

Similar abuses were taking place in the Nanyarchari area, according to a villager from Dewan Chara:

"Since the beginning of this year the army and police had been visiting the villages in our area asking people to prepare to shift to a new cluster village. They said it was necessary for us to shift for our development and national security. But we all said no, because these cluster villages are like concentration camps where we have to remain constantly under the eye of the soldiers and where our women are not safe."

"In February, large-scale operations commenced in our region and on the fifth of the month a group of soldiers raided our village. The 0fficer-in-charge abused us and the soldiers who were firing in the air to scare us started to beat us up indiscriminately. After a while they took out about 15 of us and marched us to the Buddha Vihar (Temple). There we were tortured very badly for a long time. They poured hot water into our mouths and nostrils and burned some of us with cigarette *****. We were let off later in the evening when we promised to shift to the new village."

3. Restrictions on Movement, Buying and Selling

The Bangladesh military divides the CHT into three different zones: red, yellow and white. The red zones are the interior of the CHT, the white zones are the areas within two miles of the regional military headquarters where the army is in full control, while the yellow zones are the Bangladeshi settler areas. The following restrictions broadly cover the different zones: In the red zones the most restrictions are imposed on the Jumma people but not on the Bangladeshis. All the Jumma people have to carry an identity card and if they go shopping they have to carry a market pass. The market pass which is headed 'Bangladesh is in my heart" is a means of controlling the quantities of rice, kerosene, oil and other goods which they are allowed to buy. A family cannot buy more than four kilos of rice per person each week. This is checked at all the military posts along the road. People are asked where they come from, where they are going to and their bags are searched. If hill people want to sell some of their produce, such as rice, they have first to seek written permission from the army. A Chakma woman from Khagrachari District was arrested, tortured and sexually harrassed by the Bangaldeshi security forces for buying clothes in 1989.

"I went to the market and bought some clothes. All of a sudden a policeman came from behind and caught me. The police asked: 'Why did you buy the clothes?' I said: 'To wear.' Then he took me to jail and started beating me and giving me electric shocks. They kept me one and a half days, tying my hands. Then they transferred me to Khagrachari army camp. They tortured me at the army camp. The army soldiers assaulted me by touching my breasts etc. After five days I was released on the condition that I report there every month. The charge was that I bought clothes for the Shanti Bahini."

One Jumma youth in Dighinala Upazilla told the CHT Commission that his family wanted to sell rice so he could pay the fees for his studies. When the permission came they were allowed to sell only one maund of rice (about 40 kilos) which was not enough to pay for his studies. There is also a restriction on the quantity of medicines that a person may buy and in some places people need permission from the army before buying any medicines. In the south, people need permission to take goods from there to Bandarban. The reason behind these measures is the army's fear that people will give food and other necessities to the Shanti Bahini. In the yellow zones the Jumma people have to carry identity cards, but no market passes are needed. There is however, in these zones too, a restriction on how much medicine they are allowed to buy. In the white zones there are no specific restrictions, but only those which apply throughout the CHT as a whole. These include a prohibition on all movement outside of towns after the closing hours of the check posts and the need for written permission for long trips.



Genocide

 

[Spring Onion]

Mig what this thread about hitler has to do with Bangladeshi Army or whatever it is buying ???

 

[s90]

Why not.

I would love to read it.

Yes i love political literature also but for me Hitler wasnt a successful person.

 

[Mig-29]

Mig what this thread about hitler has to do with Bangladeshi Army or whatever it is buying ???

That response was for Mr.idune sir .

 

[Unbeliever]

Yes i love political literature also but for me Hitler wasnt a successful person.

I also like political literature and I can even understand a kind of morbid curiosity towards this book, but I hope Hitler being "not successful", whatever that would entail, is not the only problem one might have with "enjoying" his book...

 

[Nazi]

Hitler, Hindutava And Its Allies
By Balram
December, 2003

The world is burning. The violent dance of death is being played all around us. India is part of this whole scenery. The death tolls in places as far as J&K to Gujarat add inglorious colours to this grotesque picture. In different places this violence presents itself in different garbs. At some places its form is imperialist while it grows in the name of Islamic jihad elsewhere.


It's clothed in saffron these days in India. This Hindutva terrorism in saffron robes which Gujarat has suffered and which is being sought to be spread in rest of India, is borne out of the same psycho-space where Jihadi terrorism takes roots. The political and historical reasons being proffered are nothing but auxiliary reasons. Basically both are the same. In the center of both is shallow egotism. On psychological plane both are in the same class. Both in their own ways give an organised and ideological form to separatism, fear, violence and animosity, which are all characteristics of the narrow egotism.
But then this is a just a pseudo-veil in which the torchbearers of these ideologies hide their peculiar psycho types. Actually this whole process of hiding takes place at sub conscious level. Most of the time even people are not aware about this. Normally their recognition is based on their surfacial activities. This is what leads to BJP and the organisations allied to it being called 'Hindu organisations'. As Dr Bipan Chander, the renowned historian says,


"Communalism is not a set of specific policies such as the building of a temple at Ayodhya or the enactment of a uniform civil code. Communalism is basically an ideology, a belief system, a way of looking at society and polity." (Dr. Bipan Chandra: The BJP's Ideology)Hitler termed this, 'Weltanschauung.'


Unfortunately this theory, though a profound one, is incomplete. An ideology in itself is a conscious system in which is incorporated super ego. But if we try to understand the saffron terrorism or its prototypes through this, then the elements of subconscious mind are left aside. According to Dr Bipan Chandra, "communalism is also not to be confused with communal violence, which is an indirect product of the spread of communal belief system away from people."


No one can deny that the communal violence is a by-product of communalism but the fact is that communalism can't enter forth into human consciousness if violent energy, fear and animosity are not already there. What is meant is that communal violence in all its forms is just an ideologisation of our egos. This shallow ego only encourages the spirit of bigotry, which gives birth to fear, which in turn is the progenitor of violence. The use of this fear in Gujarat by Narender Modi is an apt example of this.

Narender Modi is not the only one in this matter, nor is he the first one. His class is spread from Osama Bin Laden and Hitler to the mythological characters. From the beginning the people of this class have been exploiting this psychological fear and the resultant feeling of insecurity. While 'Miyan Musharaf' comes in handy for Modi, American ambitions are a fertile ground for Laden to grow. At the origin of all this is our narrow ego and its illusory fantasies.


All the religions of the world came into being to break free from this imagined imprisonment of ego. The sages of yore, who gave us the message of 'the whole world is a family,' have termed it as Moksha. But the aim of BJP, VHP, RSS and their affiliates is not only different from this, it is diametrically opposite. Their whole programme is based on glorification of separateness of ego. The roots of this process of glorification, which they call 'nationalism' is not in Vedas, Upanishads or Shrimadbhagwat Geeta but in the racial theories of Hitler.


Nearly seven decades earlier, the then Sarsanghchalak of RSS, M S Golwalkar, had declared 'Weltanschauung' of Hitler as his source of inspiration. His utterances in this regard are as relevant today:
"To keep the purity of the race and its culture, Germany shocked up the world by her purging the country, of Semitic races - the Jews. Race pride at its highest has been manifested here. Germany has also shown how well -nigh impossible it is for races and cultures, having differences going to root to be assimilated to one united whole, a good lesson for us in Hindusthan to learn and profit by." (MS Golwalkar: 'We or Our Nation Defined' P.35/43)
Sixty years later, Hitler's 'Mien Kempf' continues to be the source of inspiration of followers of Golwalkar.


Few excerpts from the autobiography of the Nazi would illustrate the parallels being played out by them: "First condition that has to be fulfilled in every kind of propaganda, namely, a systemically, a one sided attitude towards every problem that has to be dealt with… propaganda must not investigate the truth objectively, in so far as it is favourable to its side………… as soon as our own propaganda made the slightest suggestion that the enemy had a certain amount of justice on his side, then we laid down the basic on which the justice of our own cause could be questioned." (Mein Kempf P.158/159)


The propaganda of Sangh Parivar, since it inception revolves around these guiding points. That's why Advani began his Rath Yatra from Somnath. Modi's assembly elections campaign in Gujrat is the most glaring and recent example of this. The unfortunate and dangerous aspect of all this is that they seek to bring down the level of education also to mere propaganda. Whether it is history or science, they use all to glorify their ego, which they try to project as glorification of Hindu culture and race. This is not all. To force others to do so is an incontrovertible evidence of their Hitlerian philosophy. "… the foreign races in Hindusthan must either adopt the Hindu culture and language, must learn to respect and hold in reverence Hindu religion, must entertain no idea but those of the glorification of the Hindu race and culture, i.e. of the Hindu nation and must lose their separate existence to merge into the Hindu race, or may stay in the country, wholly subordinated to the Hindu nation, claiming nothing…….not even citizen's rights." (MS Golwalkar -ibid- P.47-48, 55-56)
Very clearly this ideology represents not the Indian philosophy but Fascist mindset. Not even the shadow of the cosmic consciousness of Buddha, Nanak and Upanishads has touched this. But these 'gloriful' words do not hold attraction for those who attach their identities with the word 'Hindu' in its narrow meaning. They are swayed by the rhetoric and are not able to fathom the hate, the violence and sectarianism behind all these. They are also driven by the split psycho-energy and their address is also to the same scattered psycho-space. The whole programme of these forces is to impose this internal battle on to the outer reality consciously and in an organised way. It is this that can be termed as ideologisation of the ego.


Here the problem does not remain political or ideological but becomes psychological. So it becomes clear that the solution to this problem is not in some political consciousness but in mutation of human consciousness. Before proceeding further it would be relevant to discuss some other general aspects related to this. As discussed earlier, this ideology is wholly antagonistic to all the saints like Buddha and Nanak.


In such a situation it might seem incongruous that some organisations deriving sustenance from the name of Gurus are hand in gloves with them. The situation becomes all the more unsavoury when these organisations claim to be the guides of the way. This self-claimed honorific of the 'guide' is not only untenable but also misleading.
The Akalis may do well to read what Golwalkar had to say about what he called 'Minorities Problem':
"The non-Hindu people in Hindusthan.., so long, however, as they maintain their racial, religious and cultural differences, they can not but be only foreigners......... there are only two courses open to the foreign elements, either to merge themselves in the national race, or to live at its mercy so long as the national race may allow them to do so and to quit the country at the sweet will of the national race. That is the only logical and correct solution." (We or Our Nationhood Defined : P433-44)


This holds true, literally, for the Akali Dal led by Badal. Though their friendship with Sangh Parivar is decades old but their silence on the issue of inhuman incidents in Gujarat is a betrayal of Sikh values and the panth of Nanak. Just as the ancient sages can't be blamed for the ideology of the Sangh Parivar, the actions of these so-called leaders cannot be traced to the Sikh values. Their betrayal of the values of 'nirbhai' and 'nirvair'are akin to the crime of Judas.


Other regional parties can take refuge in the fact that they are with the NDA, not the BJP, but this is untenable for the Akalis. Anyway it is more than apparent now that the NDA government is nothing but a pseudo mask for the Sangh Parivar. The assertion of Dr Bipan Chander that the allies of the BJP have not been able to see the real character of BJP, has been proved baseless. To think that the issues of common civil code , Ram Mandir and Section 370 have been left in cold storage is like living in the fool's paradise. They are the victims of Adlerian complex. The inner void of inferiority complex can only be filled by power.
The relation of Akalis with BJP is qualitatively different from other allies. When other parties seem to be questioning their secular politics, the complicity of Akali Dalbecomes all the more blatantly sever. The question arises in natural course is whether the same Akali Dal which burnt the copies of sec 25 has come around to accept itself as the 'sword arm' of the Sangh Parivar. Do they still consider themselves as the representatives of minorities ?


The policy of the Sangh Parivar is clear in this respect. The militarisation of the Hindu society and its mindset is their declared aim. They assert that Sikh community is part of the Hindu nation According to them half the task of militarisation of Hindu society has been accomplished with formation of Khalsa panth. Afflicted with war neurosis, their 'love' for the 'Sikh community' is not for their own sake but "for the sake and the advantage of the army and the state" (Alfred Adler : 'The Practice and theory of Individual Psychology').
The so called anti Muslim history of Sikh panth is also a source of their inspiration which lends a qualitative difference to their relation with Akalis. It is a moot question that how far is the Akali Dal's claim of being representative of Sikh community true. But their traditional distance from secularism is another attraction for the Sangh Parivar. Another question arises as to what could be the reasons for the Akalis to have these ties. On surface level there are many. The history of anti Congressism is one reason. But this does not address the issue of minority mindset. Perhaps Akalis think that only Christians and Muslims have to bear the brunt of Hindutva. It is possible that they are not conversant with the character of fire and the negative psycho energy. Or may be their minds are in the grip of pigeon complex. The aim of the torchbearers of Hindutva is very clear, which poses a very complex question before them. "In this country Hindus alone are the nation and the Muslims and others, if not actually anti-national are at least outside the body of nation." (quoted from Bipan Chandra, ibid)
Now the poser is where does one find common ground between these and the Anandpur Sahib resolution. Or one may conclude that for the Akalis, this does not hold the same charm. They have entered into a new era, which they like to call 'Hindu-Sikh unity.' (One should not forget that this is a big achievement in the direction of Hindu nation or Hindu race for the Sangh Parivar)
Here is a psychological question before us that does love and creativityhave any place in the mindsets of the organisations based on the ego. In other words whether they are capable of doing anything creative for the interests of the community they profess to be serving? or if there is any place for doing anything creative in the interest of any community in a sectarian and destructive mindsets .


If the answer to any of these questions could be in affirmative then 'a-mani,' the beyond mind state of Kabeer, Shivoham Chetna (blissful consciousness) of Shankracharya and Guru Nanak's 'akal chetna' (a-temporal consciousness) would all be meaningless and irrelevant. These are requisites for creativity, which is not possible in mind's fragmented state and dualistic consciousness. If this were possible then Bulleshah would not have sung "mai beqaid, mai beqaid" .


From psychological point of view, the love of these forces for their people is merely a reaction. This doesn't exist on its own but is only a side effect of hate for their self-created enemies. Their love and hate are two sides of the same coin, which are interchangeable, and this change is mechanical. The quality of this love can be understood better by the example of a man who lovingly caresses his child after killing dozens of children. What would his touch feel like? It is possible that he might have forgotten his own violent state of mind but does that violent energy spends itself fully or is it present in the moment of love too, surreptitiously, and is polluting it. Whether our psycho state and their outward _expression are two separate entities? According to Carl Gustav Jung: "We would probably do best to regard the psychic process simply as a life process…….to life energy which includes psychic energy as specific parts." ('On the Nature of Psyche' P.19)


This is also clear that all real and possible movements in our psycho energy are inter connected. Jung goes so far as to say that it is possible to measure these. "As different forms of psychic work and psychic potentiality they can be transferred into one another. These energies posses quality and mass just like physical energy." (ibid, P.9)


All this discussion leads to but one conclusion that the issue of terrorism whether it is saffron based or of some other colour is not merely political but psychological one. If the Man wants to safe guard his existence he would have to undergo a psychological mutation. While not belittling the scope of political struggle against these destructive forces, it is imperative to delineate its limits here. The simple truth is that these organisations can manipulate us only as long as we are all embroiled in the web of our fragmented psycho energies. In the battle field of mind, to live consciously is not only improbable but also unbelievable. That is why every body is indulged in migrating from that unconsciously. A dream, personal or collective, is a way to this migration only. This era is no longer ideal for socialistic dreams and is being replaced by this so-called nationalistic and cultural renaissance.


But like always, these dreams are merely migratory and carry within them destructive energies. People lost in saffron dreams will have to wake up to this fact sooner or later that they are spinning a web, which is going to be their own nemesis. History has repeated often. What is to be seen is whether this dream ends before bursting.


'Haume dirag rog hai daru bhi is mahi,' said Nanak. The medication to this illness is in itself but it requires this dream to end before that. Without this realisation neither followers of Nanak will able to muster courage to compare their self-appointed leaders to Judas nor the Hindus would comprehend that what is being destroyed by this saffron Hindutva is the anhad bani of Vedas and Upanishads.

(Balram is a playwright, poet and freelance writer)

Punjab Pro is a book series initiated by the organisation Media Artists





Hitler, Hindutava And Its Allies By Balram

What happen to you,India has nothing to do with hitler.Yes hitler is powerfull but i feel his power direct him to wrong direction but everyone is winner in his own sense.
Why,ppl has not forgotten iraq war and vietnam war,or pakistan has forgotten their terror activity in afghanistan and india held kashmir.
Stop spreading dirt all over the forum...

 

[ARSENAL6]

When Hitler got treated as a success story?

I thought follow his ways was quite the norm in the States.
Isn't that so THats why you keep attacking Muslim. Islam and Mohammid(PBUH)
every post S90.

 

[idune]

What happen to you,India has nothing to do with hitler.Yes hitler is powerfull but i feel his power direct him to wrong direction but everyone is winner in his own sense.
Why,ppl has not forgotten iraq war and vietnam war,or pakistan has forgotten their terror activity in afghanistan and india held kashmir.
Stop spreading dirt all over the forum...

Another indian behind German skin desperation is setting in..

 

[idune]

Hitler's secret Indian army
By Mike Thomson
BBC News

In the closing stages of World War II, as Allied and French resistance forces were driving Hitler's now demoralised forces from France, three senior German officers defected.

Legionnaires were recruited from German POW camps
The information they gave British intelligence was considered so sensitive that in 1945 it was locked away, not due to be released until the year 2021.

Now, 17 years early, the BBC's Document programme has been given special access to this secret file.

It reveals how thousands of Indian soldiers who had joined Britain in the fight against fascism swapped their oaths to the British king for others to Adolf Hitler - an astonishing tale of loyalty, despair and betrayal that threatened to rock British rule in India, known as the Raj.

The story the German officers told their interrogators began in Berlin on 3 April 1941. This was the date that the left-wing Indian revolutionary leader, Subhas Chandra Bose, arrived in the German capital.

Bose, who had been arrested 11 times by the British in India, had fled the Raj with one mission in mind. That was to seek Hitler's help in pushing the British out of India.

He wanted 500 volunteers who would be trained in Germany and then parachuted into India. Everyone raised their hands. Thousands of us volunteered

Lieutenant Barwant Singh
Six months later, with the help of the German foreign ministry, he had set up what he called "The Free India Centre", from where he published leaflets, wrote speeches and organised broadcasts in support of his cause.

By the end of 1941, Hitler's regime officially recognised his provisional "Free India Government" in exile, and even agreed to help Chandra Bose raise an army to fight for his cause. It was to be called "The Free India Legion".

Bose hoped to raise a force of about 100,000 men which, when armed and kitted out by the Germans, could be used to invade British India.

He decided to raise them by going on recruiting visits to Prisoner-of-War camps in Germany which, at that time, were home to tens of thousands of Indian soldiers captured by Rommel in North Africa.

Volunteers

Finally, by August 1942, Bose's recruitment drive got fully into swing. Mass ceremonies were held in which dozens of Indian POWs joined in mass oaths of allegiance to Adolf Hitler.


Chandra Bose did not live to see Indian independence
These are the words that were used by men that had formally sworn an oath to the British king: "I swear by God this holy oath that I will obey the leader of the German race and state, Adolf Hitler, as the commander of the German armed forces in the fight for India, whose leader is Subhas Chandra Bose."

I managed to track down one of Bose's former recruits, Lieutenant Barwant Singh, who can still remember the Indian revolutionary arriving at his prisoner of war camp.

"He was introduced to us as a leader from our country who wanted to talk to us," he said.

"He wanted 500 volunteers who would be trained in Germany and then parachuted into India. Everyone raised their hands. Thousands of us volunteered."

Demoralised
In all 3,000 Indian prisoners of war signed up for the Free India Legion.

But instead of being delighted, Bose was worried. A left-wing admirer of Russia, he was devastated when Hitler's tanks rolled across the Soviet border.

Matters were made even worse by the fact that after Stalingrad it became clear that the now-retreating German army would be in no position to offer Bose help in driving the British from faraway India.

When the Indian revolutionary met Hitler in May 1942 his suspicions were confirmed, and he came to believe that the Nazi leader was more interested in using his men to win propaganda victories than military ones.

So, in February 1943, Bose turned his back on his legionnaires and slipped secretly away aboard a submarine bound for Japan.


Rudolf Hartog remembers parting with his Indian friends
There, with Japanese help, he was to raise a force of 60,000 men to march on India.

Back in Germany the men he had recruited were left leaderless and demoralised. After much dissent and even a mutiny, the German High Command despatched them first to Holland and then south-west France, where they were told to help fortify the coast for an expected allied landing.

After D-Day, the Free India Legion, which had now been drafted into Himmler's Waffen SS, were in headlong retreat through France, along with regular German units.

It was during this time that they gained a wild and loathsome reputation amongst the civilian population.

The former French Resistance fighter, Henri Gendreaux, remembers the Legion passing through his home town of Ruffec: "I do remember several cases of rape. A lady and her two daughters were raped and in another case they even shot dead a little two-year-old girl."

Finally, instead of driving the British from India, the Free India Legion were themselves driven from France and then Germany.

Their German military translator at the time was Private Rudolf Hartog, who is now 80.

"The last day we were together an armoured tank appeared. I thought, my goodness, what can I do? I'm finished," he said.

"But he only wanted to collect the Indians. We embraced each other and cried. You see that was the end."

Mutinies

A year later the Indian legionnaires were sent back to India, where all were released after short jail sentences.

But when the British put three of their senior officers on trial near Delhi there were mutinies in the army and protests on the streets.

With the British now aware that the Indian army could no longer be relied upon by the Raj to do its bidding, independence followed soon after.

Not that Subhas Chandra Bose was to see the day he had fought so hard for. He died in 1945.

Since then little has been heard of Lieutenant Barwant Singh and his fellow legionnaires.

At the end of the war the BBC was forbidden from broadcasting their story and this remarkable saga was locked away in the archives, until now. Not that Lieutenant Singh has ever forgotten those dramatic days.

"In front of my eyes I can see how we all looked, how we would all sing and how we all talked about what eventually would happen to us all," he said.

BBC NEWS | Europe | Hitler's secret Indian army

 

[Ali.009]

Ghandi and Hitler were 2 great friends. Ghandi supported Hitler in his war against british and Jews.