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Hafeez dropped from reconstituted NFC

Ivan

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Khaleeq Kiani
Updated 23 Jul, 2020

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Govt denotifies finance adviser Abdul Hafeez Shaikh, secretary as commission’s members, gives up a number of its terms of reference. — DawnNewsTV/File


ISLAMABAD: In a major politico-legal retreat, the federal government on Wednesday denotified the adviser to the prime minister on finance and revenue and the finance secretary as members of the National Finance Commission (NFC) and gave up a number of its terms of reference (ToR).


The decision was taken after the government’s May 12 notification about constitution of the 11-member NFC faced legal challenges in various high courts, along with a long list of ToR envisaging fresh specific responsibilities and expenses to be shared by the provinces.

A fresh notification for the nine-member NFC and revised ToR was submitted to the Islamabad High Court on the basis of which the court disposed of a petition of the opposition PML-N challenging the locus standi of Adviser to the PM on Finance and Revenue Dr Abdul Hafeez Shaikh and the finance secretary as NFC members.

The new notification is in line with the Constitution,” said finance ministry’s spokesman Mohsin Mushtaq Chandna in a brief response to questions. Asked if the prime minister holding the finance portfolio would now open the NFC dialogue or Dr Shaikh would be made minister for finance through Senate, Mr Chandna said he would not speculate.


Govt denotifies finance adviser, secretary as commission’s members, gives up a number of its terms of reference.


Under the fresh notification, Javed Jabbar has also been replaced by Dr Kaiser Bengali as non-statutory member from Balochistan on the NFC. Mr Jabbar had resigned last month after criticism from some Baloch politicians that he did not belong to the province. Interestingly, Dr Bengali, who had served as non-statutory member from Balochistan, is also a non-Baloch.

The reconstituted nine-member NFC is now led by the federal minister for finance and comprises four provincial finance ministers, besides non-statutory members Tariq Bajwa from Punjab, Dr Asad Sayeed from Sindh, Musharraf Rasool Cyan from Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Dr Kaiser Bengali from Balochistan.

The government has now deleted a number of specific subjects from the previous notification and added a fresh subject suggesting the Centre would like the provinces to share the financial burden of national development projects and take some unspecified additional fiscal responsibilities.

One of the key subjects removed from controversial May 12 notification pertains to “exploring ways to reduce losses of state-owned enterprises and agreeing on mechanism for sharing these losses between the federal government and the provincial governments”.

Another item deleted from the commission’s ToR includes “assessment and allocation of resources to meet expenditures related to Azad Government of the States of Jammu and Kashmir, Government of Gilgit-Baltistan and newly merged districts of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa [erstwhile Fata]”.

The federal government has also given up three more specific items relating to (i) “assessment and allocation of resources to meet expenditures made on security and natural disasters/calamities”, (ii) “assessment of total public debt and allocation of resources for its repayment” and (iii) “rationalisation of subsidies given by the federal and provincial governments in their budgets and agreeing on a mechanism to finance them”.

In order to cover the above-mentioned areas, three broad ToR have been included in the new notification. These include issues relating to sharing of financial expenses incurred or to be incurred (i) “by the federation in respect of subjects and matters falling within the domain of the provinces and vice versa”, (ii) “by the federation and/or provinces in respect of trans-provincial matters” and (iii) “for national projects to be shared by the federation and the provinces”.

The ToR relating to clause 2 of Article 160 of the Constitution that required the 10th NFC to distribute between the Centre and the provinces the net proceeds of five major tax categories as defined in clause 3 of Article 160, besides making grants-in-aid by the federal government to the provincial governments would remain unchanged.

The NFC will also set powers and conditions for the federal and provincial governments for borrowing, besides any other matter to finance referred to it by the president.

Even the revised NFC is anticipated to face a major legal challenge in the absence of formal notification of the results of the National Population Census 2017 owing to concerns from various stakeholders, particularly regarding population in Karachi.

Talking to reporters outside the Islamabad High Court, PML-N leader Khurram Dastgir Khan, who had challenged the government notification about constitution of the NFC, termed the decision a moral and constitutional victory.

He said the constitutional process had not been followed while issuing the May 12 notification. He said that under the Constitution, consultation with the governors was mandatory for appointment of the NFC members from provinces, but it was ignored. He said the finance ministry had been provided a complete opportunity to present its record before the court, but it failed to do so.

The PML-N leader said a similar petition had been taken up by the Balochistan High Court which later suspended the nomination of the adviser on finance as well as many terms of reference, but they had requested the court to declare the whole notification null and void.

He said the PML-N had challenged the NFC notification considering it an attack on the Constitution and resources of the provinces. He said the government had informed the court that it had issued a new notification on July 21 in accordance with Article 160 of the Constitution. He said his party was reviewing the new notification and would make a strategy after reading it.

The 9th NFC was constituted on April 24, 2015 and reconstituted a couple of times in 2016, 2018 and 2019 owing to change in governments and replacement of non-statutory members, but it failed to conclude a new award as no meaningful and structured dialogue could be sustained.

As a result, multiple calls from various quarters, including the finance ministry, the armed forces and the International Monetary Fund, to rebalance the transfer of larger chunk of divisible pool resources to the provinces under the 7th NFC Award have remained unaddressed.

Also, the 7th NFC Award announced in 2009 continued with annual extensions and remains in place even now instead of constitutional term of five years that came to an end on June 30, 2015. As per the Constitution, provincial shares in each NFC award could not be reduced.

Under the 7th NFC Award, the four provinces are collectively entitled to 57.5 per cent of divisible pool taxes, besides revenue from income tax, wealth tax, capital value tax, general sales tax, customs duties and federal excise. The provincial governments get their horizontal shares on the basis of population, poverty, revenue collection and inverse population density, allowing Punjab to get 51.74pc, Sindh 24.55pc, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa 14.62pc and Balochistan 9.09pc share.
 
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It was constitutional requirements of not putting unelected members to the NFC
 
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Why he appointed in the first place. PTI didnt know the costitution requirement before hand? Another hight of incompetence[emoji51]
 
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What difference does it make?
Found this.


Fahd Husain
Updated 23 Jul, 2020




5f1918993b2be.jpg

Abdul Hafeez Shaikh was notified as the chairman of NFC in his capacity as head of the finance ministry. — AFP/File


Khurram Dastgir Khan of the PML-N is a happy man today. Abdul Hafeez Shaikh of the Finance Ministry is not. And someone, somewhere deep inside the bowels of the PTI may be in the process of ordering a sherwani.

On Wednesday the government reconstituted the National Finance Commission (NFC) under what may presumably be called judicial duress. At stake is more than what meets the eye. Khurram Dastgir was astute enough to recognise the weight of these stakes back when the original notification was issued. It took two months of judicial intervention to row back the issue.

But what is the issue?

The federal government issued a notification constituting the NFC in what was deemed a routine manner. The NFC determines the division of resources between the federal and provincial governments. It is a seminal agreement and forms the bedrock of the provinces’ financial strength. The 18th Amendment and the NFC award have empowered the provinces politically and financially to an unprecedented level. Some people however say this twin-empowerment has come at the expense of the federal government. In recent times, argue these people, the crippling expenses of defence, debt repayments and disaster management have added a tremendous financial load on the federal government. Therefore — the logic goes — it is important to review the existing NFC formula so that the federal government can regain its financial strength.


Fair enough. This is a perfectly reasonable debate to have on the NFC forum. The routine notification was the first step in getting this platform ready. And it would have settled down under the weight of its own consequence had the honourable member from Gujranwala not noticed a stranger on the list.

The NFC is chaired by the federal finance minister and includes the finance ministers of the four provinces. In addition, NFC comprises one member each from the province nominated by the provincial government. Abdul Hafeez Shaikh was notified as the chairman of NFC in his capacity as head of the finance ministry. Except that he’s not a full federal minister. He is an adviser. Khurram Dastgir challenged this in court through his party’s parliamentarian Mohsin Shahnawaz Ranjha. As the proceedings unfolded, the government realised it was in the wrong. So Hafeez Shaikh was removed from the NFC.

The consequence: Prime Minister Imran Khan will now have to chair the NFC personally as he holds the portfolio of the federal finance minister. He will have to negotiate the technicalities of the NFC award with the provinces himself with all the nitty-gritty and numbers with formulas supplemented with equations enumerating deep policy arguments in the context of redrawing the present award.

Or he will have to appoint a full federal finance minister. One swanky sherwani coming up?

The NFC is one of the many battle lines being drawn up between the government and the opposition. These proliferating fronts denote a struggle within the political and governance matrix that may be deeper than it looks.

In today’s context three battles are heating up: NAB, NFC and APC. On all three fronts, it is a one-on-one battle between the government and the opposition. Except it is not.

The long shadows of the establishment loom large across all three theatres of operation silhouetting the conflict in strategic shades.

Context matters.

PML-N’s Khawaja Saad Rafiq had no idea his bail application would reap such rich dividends. It was a routine procedure asking for routine relief from the highest court in the land. The Supreme Court bench proffered him that relief. But it also gave an unexpectedly harsh rebuke to Saad Rafiq’s tormentors. Justice Maqbool Baqar shredded the role of NAB in his judgment by raising some serious questions about the legal and operational weaknesses of the accountability organisation. The judgment may not hold any operative value for NAB but it has injected a dose of adrenalin in the debate about amending the NAB law.

The opposition is delving deep into the finer grain of the law to come up with amendments that all but restructure the role of the organisation. But there could be fierce resistance from the other side(s). Inside the Red Zone there are whispers that this battle royale is about to break out in the open momentarily. Nabbing NAB will not be easy because the unchecked power of NAB to nab is too temptingly convenient for a lot of stakeholders. Make no mistake: this is a tactical battle with strategic stakes.

While the battle over NAB will be fought with legislative swords in the committee rooms of the parliament, the one over NFC will wage with numbers and denominations flung like deadly projectiles by governments fighting over a bigger piece of the financial pie. But don’t be fooled. The NFC skirmish foretells a far more expansive war over the powers of the Centre versus the autonomy of the provinces. Make no mistake: this too may be a tactical skirmish but it comes laden with strategic stakes.

The first two battles may be waged in plush boardrooms but the one being mapped in the APC may spill over into the streets. The All Parties Conference of the opposition parties is planned to happen after Eid and the preliminary agenda is in the process of being worked out. However the key question remains: what is the desired objective and related outcome of the APC? In other words, what does the opposition really want?

The entire framework of the opposition’s politics — assuming there is one — is built around the answer to this fundamental question. And the answer is?

Well, depends who you ask. The PPP may look the most aggressive but with a government to run, it has the most stakes in the present set-up and system. What it wants is therefore quite different from what the PML-N wants since it does not have the weight of a government around its neck. So what then does the PML-N want? Ah, it depends on who you ask within the PML-N, actually. Power. That’s the magic word inside the Red Zone. It’s also the sweetest political symphony ever composed. How to compose it is where the difference today may lie. There is an influential body of opinion within the PML-N which is not interested in the tactical pursuit of Prime Minister Imran Khan’s ouster. This body of opinion is more attuned to the dynamics of the power matrix in the post-Imran era. How will the APC help shape these dynamics? Will generating heat on the streets spur kinetics that can stir the establishment to re-evaluate the existing matrix?

There is plenty that will be factored into the PML-N’s approach towards the post-Eid APC. Make no mistake: the APC may be a tactical move but its objectives will be weighed down by strategic stakes.

Quietude can be deceptive.
 
.
Found this.


Fahd Husain
Updated 23 Jul, 2020




5f1918993b2be.jpg

Abdul Hafeez Shaikh was notified as the chairman of NFC in his capacity as head of the finance ministry. — AFP/File


Khurram Dastgir Khan of the PML-N is a happy man today. Abdul Hafeez Shaikh of the Finance Ministry is not. And someone, somewhere deep inside the bowels of the PTI may be in the process of ordering a sherwani.

On Wednesday the government reconstituted the National Finance Commission (NFC) under what may presumably be called judicial duress. At stake is more than what meets the eye. Khurram Dastgir was astute enough to recognise the weight of these stakes back when the original notification was issued. It took two months of judicial intervention to row back the issue.

But what is the issue?

The federal government issued a notification constituting the NFC in what was deemed a routine manner. The NFC determines the division of resources between the federal and provincial governments. It is a seminal agreement and forms the bedrock of the provinces’ financial strength. The 18th Amendment and the NFC award have empowered the provinces politically and financially to an unprecedented level. Some people however say this twin-empowerment has come at the expense of the federal government. In recent times, argue these people, the crippling expenses of defence, debt repayments and disaster management have added a tremendous financial load on the federal government. Therefore — the logic goes — it is important to review the existing NFC formula so that the federal government can regain its financial strength.


Fair enough. This is a perfectly reasonable debate to have on the NFC forum. The routine notification was the first step in getting this platform ready. And it would have settled down under the weight of its own consequence had the honourable member from Gujranwala not noticed a stranger on the list.

The NFC is chaired by the federal finance minister and includes the finance ministers of the four provinces. In addition, NFC comprises one member each from the province nominated by the provincial government. Abdul Hafeez Shaikh was notified as the chairman of NFC in his capacity as head of the finance ministry. Except that he’s not a full federal minister. He is an adviser. Khurram Dastgir challenged this in court through his party’s parliamentarian Mohsin Shahnawaz Ranjha. As the proceedings unfolded, the government realised it was in the wrong. So Hafeez Shaikh was removed from the NFC.

The consequence: Prime Minister Imran Khan will now have to chair the NFC personally as he holds the portfolio of the federal finance minister. He will have to negotiate the technicalities of the NFC award with the provinces himself with all the nitty-gritty and numbers with formulas supplemented with equations enumerating deep policy arguments in the context of redrawing the present award.

Or he will have to appoint a full federal finance minister. One swanky sherwani coming up?

The NFC is one of the many battle lines being drawn up between the government and the opposition. These proliferating fronts denote a struggle within the political and governance matrix that may be deeper than it looks.

In today’s context three battles are heating up: NAB, NFC and APC. On all three fronts, it is a one-on-one battle between the government and the opposition. Except it is not.

The long shadows of the establishment loom large across all three theatres of operation silhouetting the conflict in strategic shades.

Context matters.

PML-N’s Khawaja Saad Rafiq had no idea his bail application would reap such rich dividends. It was a routine procedure asking for routine relief from the highest court in the land. The Supreme Court bench proffered him that relief. But it also gave an unexpectedly harsh rebuke to Saad Rafiq’s tormentors. Justice Maqbool Baqar shredded the role of NAB in his judgment by raising some serious questions about the legal and operational weaknesses of the accountability organisation. The judgment may not hold any operative value for NAB but it has injected a dose of adrenalin in the debate about amending the NAB law.

The opposition is delving deep into the finer grain of the law to come up with amendments that all but restructure the role of the organisation. But there could be fierce resistance from the other side(s). Inside the Red Zone there are whispers that this battle royale is about to break out in the open momentarily. Nabbing NAB will not be easy because the unchecked power of NAB to nab is too temptingly convenient for a lot of stakeholders. Make no mistake: this is a tactical battle with strategic stakes.

While the battle over NAB will be fought with legislative swords in the committee rooms of the parliament, the one over NFC will wage with numbers and denominations flung like deadly projectiles by governments fighting over a bigger piece of the financial pie. But don’t be fooled. The NFC skirmish foretells a far more expansive war over the powers of the Centre versus the autonomy of the provinces. Make no mistake: this too may be a tactical skirmish but it comes laden with strategic stakes.

The first two battles may be waged in plush boardrooms but the one being mapped in the APC may spill over into the streets. The All Parties Conference of the opposition parties is planned to happen after Eid and the preliminary agenda is in the process of being worked out. However the key question remains: what is the desired objective and related outcome of the APC? In other words, what does the opposition really want?

The entire framework of the opposition’s politics — assuming there is one — is built around the answer to this fundamental question. And the answer is?

Well, depends who you ask. The PPP may look the most aggressive but with a government to run, it has the most stakes in the present set-up and system. What it wants is therefore quite different from what the PML-N wants since it does not have the weight of a government around its neck. So what then does the PML-N want? Ah, it depends on who you ask within the PML-N, actually. Power. That’s the magic word inside the Red Zone. It’s also the sweetest political symphony ever composed. How to compose it is where the difference today may lie. There is an influential body of opinion within the PML-N which is not interested in the tactical pursuit of Prime Minister Imran Khan’s ouster. This body of opinion is more attuned to the dynamics of the power matrix in the post-Imran era. How will the APC help shape these dynamics? Will generating heat on the streets spur kinetics that can stir the establishment to re-evaluate the existing matrix?

There is plenty that will be factored into the PML-N’s approach towards the post-Eid APC. Make no mistake: the APC may be a tactical move but its objectives will be weighed down by strategic stakes.

Quietude can be deceptive.

So basically PTi and PPP intend to lie through 2023
 
.

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