A couple of very nice op-eds on the division of Punjab issue
Rethinking Punjabs boundaries
By Murtaza Razvi
Monday, 29 Jun, 2009 | 08:28 AM PST |
Makhdoom Javed Hashmi of the PML-N has lent his voice to what he calls the longstanding demand in southern Punjab for the division of the majority-population province. Such desires have also been expressed in Sindh, the Frontier and Balochistan from time to time, and resisted by Lahore and Islamabad.
The former PML-Qled Punjab government went as far as to say that if Punjab were to be divided into more federating units, it would only be fair that other provinces also underwent a redrawing of their boundaries. The reasons may be based on a narrow reading of the ethnic map of Pakistan, but thats not the whole picture. More than redrawing provincial boundaries, Pakistan needs to rethink them first.
The division of Punjab into two or more provinces may be seen as an effort to tame the bull that the existing federating units perceive Punjab as. The smaller federating units wish to use the division of Punjab to their long overdue advantage. But the constitution, as it stands today, has lacunae that can outdo the perceived advantage with much more disadvantage coming the way of the smaller provinces under any such scheme, if not well-thought out.
Consider the representation of the four provinces in the Senate, where each federating unit enjoys parity regardless of its size or population, and which has been the saving grace of the political system put in place under the 1973 constitution for which there was unanimous consensus. Now also consider the two major factors that have been the cause of much heartburn among the provinces: the federating units share in the federal divisible pool and the water resources. Dividing Punjab into two or more provinces will not divide the upper riparian interests which the newly carved out province(s) would inherit from and continue to share with Punjab.
As for the National Finance Commission award, will the existing smaller provinces be ready to give the to-be-defunct Punjab possibly more share than it can lay claim to at this point, and which has remained most controversial all these years? Couple this with a double or possibly treble representation of a divided, upper-riparian Punjab in the Senate, especially in the case of laying claim to the water resources of the Indus river water system, and we have a possible recipe for a bigger disaster in inter-provincial relations than the one we are presently grappling with.
If it is difficult to convince one Punjab, in a ratio of one to three among the federating units, would it be easier to convince two or three Punjabs to let go of their interests in favour of the smaller provinces, which would not remain all too small after the division of Punjab? Any planned or wished-for division of Punjab must take into account these critical factors and warrant a debate in parliament to the satisfaction of all concerned.
There was one good step that was taken by the Pervez Musharraf-led military regime soon after it took office in October, 1999. It was the formation (albeit swiftly trimmed and then virtually aborted) of the devolution-of-power plan. The aim was to transfer a degree of fiscal independence to the districts, and through the districts to the lower, grassroots level. But after the 2002 election, the provinces cried foul; they felt cheated and dispossessed of what they had been demanding for themselves as provincial autonomy.
What good was provincial autonomy, even if they were to get it, when the real moolah was to be given directly to the districts, they argued. The general had to relent and let each province become the arbiter of how much money went to which district through a respective provincial government, virtually maiming the devolution plan if not killing it altogether.
There is nothing wrong with the creation of more provinces; provinces are devolved administrative units within a federation which aim at streamlining efficient governance. But the process was reversed in Pakistan as early as 1955 with the creation of the One Unit province out of the then existing federating units in what was West Pakistan. The aim was patently mala fide: to neutralise the then majority-population province, East Pakistan, by thrusting an unequal parity on it. Even the reversion to federating units after the loss of East Pakistan in 1971 has carried forth the baggage of heightened sensitivities on the issue.
While Balochistan was formally declared the fourth federating unit, the pre-One Unit princely state of Bahawalpur was amalgamated into Punjab. The demand for the restoration of a Bahawalpur province, if not state, was quelled as it was seen to have the germs of inciting similar sentiments among the former princely states in Sindh and Balochistan.
Punjab has since become the bête noire of the other three provinces, when within its own boundaries demands have been raised to divide the giant province which lays the largest claim to national resources without proportionately contributing to the federal exchequer in revenue or produce. Considered from the standpoint of economically depressed areas, which happen to be the provinces largely Seraiki-speaking southern and western districts, these demands are legitimate.
The desire to have the Jhelum-Chakwal and upwards districts coming together to form a third province, with or without the amalgamation of the Hazara district of the Frontier, has also been expressed from time to time. These are largely non-industrialised hilly districts, relying solely on rain water for irrigation or military service as forming a joint backbone of the local economy, unlike central and southern Punjab which has a strong network of irrigation canals and a growing industrial base the latter more particularly in central districts.
But desires and wishes are not horses on whose back a faltering state can ride. The need is to start a meaningful debate at national forums and examine in earnest the establishment of more provinces. If Punjab can lead the way by being the first to redraw its boundaries without further compromising the interests of the existing three provinces, then a process can be put in place which can lead to more equitable distribution of national resources and eventually to achieving that elusive goal: provincial autonomy.
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