If you want to understand, this one point will be enough. Parvez Elahi and Shaukat Tareen were called thieves, robbers and corrupt by Khan himself. Remember when the wolves are entrusted with the task of protecting the sheep, the result will not be good. When thieves and dacoits are made ministers, there will be disaster always...... Thank you
ohhhoooo Butt sahib ki wapsi ....
Many countries are affected by inflation. It's a global issue.
The reason why Pakistan is unable to manage now is because PPP and PMLN did nothing to bring up the reserves between 2008-2018. Everyone was making money in this time apart from Pakistan. Track back another 20 years, same thing.
If IK got power like he should have in 2013 as those elections were fixed, Pakistan would not be in this situation today.
The greatest curse and crime committed by PMLN, PPP, and MQM .. financial freedom/control transferred to provinces. Now Federal govt totally lost control and no scrutiny........ the curse of the 18th and 17 th amendments................. the whole nation is suffering ... Now these politicians are fully immune and if you people have any guts reverse it...... if they want to save Pakistan from economic disaster reverse those amendments and Center should fully take over the financial control .
A time will come when provinces refused to contribute their share to the federal govt and it will break Pak and provinces will go their own path .... ... we know well, son and daughters listen to you as long as father has financial control....
For example ...
The Sindh government has always ensured that key affairs related to Karachi’s management remain under its tight control.
Dr Noman Ahmed Published February 19, 2019
For most liberal and democratic folks in the country, 19 April 2010 had a special meaning. It was on this day that then-President Asif Ali Zardari signed the 18th Constitutional Amendment Bill that had far reaching legal and administrative impacts.
Among many changes, the Amendment empowered the provinces to a significant extent in financial and administrative terms. For many, it was synonymous to restoring the federation to its desired form.
It was also believed that once the provinces acquire greater financial autonomy, the devolution shall continue down to the tier of local government. Article 140A was inserted in the Constitution under the 18th Amendment that allowed political, administrative and financial authority to be devolved to the representatives of the local governments.
Editorial: Who controls Karachi?
Sadly, the provinces did not show the desired level of maturity in distributing the powers and resources to municipal level. Holding local bodies elections was not considered a priority.
It was under the Supreme Court’s orders that elections to local councils were held during 2014-15. While elected councils are in place, negligible powers and resources now lie at municipal disposal. The case of Karachi deserves a special mention here due to some extraordinary characteristics of the metropolis.
A city apart
Karachi comprises six administrative districts. If one holds the 2017 census results to be valid, the city possesses 16.5 million inhabitants, which is about a third of Sindh’s population.
This means that Karachi accounts for 8 per cent of total national and 20pc of national urban population. The metropolis contributes 15pc of Pakistan’s gross domestic product, 25pc of federal revenue, 50pc of bank deposits and 68pc of issued capital.
It comprises inhabitants from almost everywhere in the country and many other parts of the region. As Pakistan's largest and most developed city, Karachi merits an extraordinary governance arrangement, especially after the 18th Amendment.
It is, however, interesting to note that Karachi has seldom enjoyed political harmony with the rest of Sindh. For instance, in the 1970 general election, most of Karachi’s seats were won by opposition parties including the Jamaat-i-Islami and the Jamiat-i-Ulema Pakistan while Sindh was ruled by the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP).
Karachi notebook: Is a ‘Naya’ Karachi possible?
Election results in 1977 showed the same trend, with the PPP winning with significant margins everywhere in the province except Karachi. Nine out of 11 seats in the National Assembly were won by the Pakistan National Alliance (coalition of main opposition parties).
Later, after the meteoric rise of the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM), the city voted for them in overwhelming numbers in successive elections. Even when the MQM was pressured to keep away from elections in some instances, the PPP or any other mainstream party never succeeded in winning the majority of the votes in Karachi.
It was only in 2018 that the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf rose to prominence with smaller number of seats going to the MQM.
Acts of control
For a very long time, the provincial government has successfully attempted to outfox the parties and leaders who won the elections and represented Karachi in national and provincial legislatures. The Sindh government has always ensured that key affairs related to Karachi’s management remain under its tight control.
Let’s review matters related to the built environment. The
Sindh High Density Board Act of 2010 empowered the provincial government to assign fresh zoning to any designated parcel of land or adjust the floor area ratio of existing buildings. As a consequence, there are many tall buildings that can be found replacing the smaller structures purely due to commercial gains.
Those familiar with the covert wheeling-and-dealing that is done to strike deals between the government functionaries, builders, developers and investors for realising such lucrative deals can make near accurate estimates about monetary gains by each in this sure marriage of convenience.
Quick read: Sindh local government set-up explainer
Dozens of bungalows and low-rise buildings in Serai Quarters, Bath Island and other high-end locations are being replaced by tall structures. Many sleeping building permits have already been issued to various builders and developers, under the tutelage of their political cronies, who wait for the opportune time to convert these permits into reality.
This entire enterprise is under provincial control with no link to local government in any respect.
The functions and responsibilities of development control, building construction management and urban planning for the city are also converged under the Sindh Building Control Authority.
Similarly, for years the management and control of the Karachi Water and Sewerage Board (KWSB) has been under the local government department of the Sindh government.
The efforts of various national and international agencies to reform the vital water utility have failed to materialise due to indifference of the provincial authorities.
While the KWSB is a financially weak organisation, Karachi’s water sector is a lucrative enterprise for sure. According to some estimates, water worth Rs57 billion is
stolen annually in Karachi.
To completely take away the onus of any municipal performance from the Karachi Metropolitan Corporation and other tiers of local government, the Sindh Solid Waste Management Board Act
was passed in 2014.
This shifted responsibility for street cleaning, garbage removal and solid waste management from municipal agencies to the newly-created provincial entity.
Bribes and shortages: Karachi’s burgeoning water mafia
The board had been delivering these services through private contractors in four out of six districts in the metropolis. Its performance has been less than desirable.
The Supreme Court-mandated commission on water and sanitation issues in March 2017
came down hard on the board and even recommended its dismantling.
Similarly, transport, health, education, environment and housing are some of the other sectors where the provincial government reigns supreme. It is another story that the overall performance of none of these sectors matches the desired level.
Building trust and consensus
Several reasons can be found for this complete disconnect between the Sindh and local governments.
The chequered relationship between the PPP and the MQM (and now the PTI) is a cause of concern. It appears that the Sindh government is suspicious of the behind-the-scene links or influence of the establishment on these two parties.
It seems to jealously guard all legal and administrative privileges to bolster its bargaining position in any political negotiation. Its adversaries point out that PPP’s hold over these sectors is only for rent-seeking.
The second major issue is the limited capacity among the municipal ranks. For more than a decade, the MQM is alleged to have made thousands of political appointments in the lower and middle ranks of the various institutions under their control, which has weakened these institutions.
Special report: What does the future hold for Karachi's historical Saddar area?
There is a definite need to have a working dialogue and consensus on translating the benefits of 18th Amendment-led devolution to the local level. This can only happen when the federal government takes the lead and engages the Sindh government in an open dialogue.
With the MQM part of the federal coalition, a broad dialogue on matters related to power and responsibility sharing can prove effective. Without compromising on the stand that Karachi is an integral entity of Sindh, the provincial government can be made to share power and resources with the lower tier under the broad contours of Article 140A of the Constitution.
But to move ahead on this, genuine political skills and viable actions are required.
