China-India Geopolitics: News & Discussions

[third eye]

There is no reason to build a class 40 road in that part of the world where nothing lives besides yaks & seasonal grazers.

 

[帅的一匹]

There is no reason to build a class 40 road in that part of the world where nothing lives besides yaks & seasonal grazers.

We are free to build road within our territory, why not?

 

[Trango Towers]

There is no reason to build a class 40 road in that part of the world where nothing lives besides yaks & seasonal grazers.

and its none of your business what china does on its side of the border.

 

[Han Patriot]

There is no reason to build a class 40 road in that part of the world where nothing lives besides yaks & seasonal grazers.

Imagine this, when winter comes, your troops are supplied by a mountain pass, you see those mini excavators, those are the only equipment going over. China has class 40 roads supplying alottttttttttt of stuff.

 

[Tridibans]

We are free to build road within our territory, why not?

Then build it who is stopping you ??

Yeah forgot...... the impoverished weaklings south of your Tibet plateu! How long you been warning us again?

 

[AUSTERLITZ]

We are free to build road within our territory, why not?

It is not your territory,its disputed with bhutan.And bhutan looks to us for security.
Its been over a month,still waiting for china to stop farting and start biting.

 

[帅的一匹]

It is not your territory,its disputed with bhutan.And bhutan looks to us for security.
Its been over a month,still waiting for china to stop farting and start biting.

its ours. Since when Bhutan had the right to mobilize IA?

Imagine this, when winter comes, your troops are supplied by a mountain pass, you see those mini excavators, those are the only equipment going over. China has class 40 roads supplying alottttttttttt of stuff.

Let them starve and we won't take a step back.

 

[The BrOkEn HeArT]

This man is not good for enemy's health. Be friend with him if really want to have a good sleep in night.

 

[Han Patriot]

View attachment 413907 View attachment 413907 This man is not good for enemy's health. Be friend with him if really want to have a good sleep in night. View attachment 413907

Looks like a crook bro.

 

[The BrOkEn HeArT]

Looks like a crook bro.

Don't go on his look. He is bad dream for u indeed.

 

[AUSTERLITZ]

its ours. Since when Bhutan had the right to mobilize IA?

India has security pact with Bhutan.Since then.China showed its true calibre in this standoff, over a month of childish whining and zero balls to do what they threaten.All their respect evaporated.Earlier i used to post energetically in these chinese warning threads,even a week ago.Now i can't even be bothered.Whats the point?Everyone knows china is just all talk,no action.Wake us up when PLA moves 10 divisions into tibet.If China had the capability to attack it would attack without warning,like it did in 1962.Promising peace even in early september when chinese PM visited delhi and then attacking from 20th sept onwards.When they can't bite,they can only bark.A barking paper dragon is only amusing for so long.

 

[Nan Yang]

Shall we dance? Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi (right) and China's President Xi Jinping greet one another prior to the BRICS Summit in Goa on October 16, 2016. Photo: AFP / Prakash Singh
GEOPOLITICSSOUTH ASIA
China and India torn between silk roads and cocked guns
The current stand-off at Doklam, or Donglang, is little more than a sideshow in the bigger picture as South Asia's tectonic plates shift in a direction that makes New Delhi's resistance to China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) look increasingly futile
By PEPE ESCOBARJULY 25, 2017

So, once again it’s down to a face-off in the Himalayas. Beijing builds a road in the disputed territory of Doklam (if you’re Indian) or Donglang (if you’re Chinese), in the tri-junction of Sikkim, Tibet and Bhutan, and all hell beaks loose. Or does it?

The Global Times blames it on an upsurge of Hindu nationalist fervor, but selected Indian officials prefer to privilege ongoing quiet diplomacy. After all, when Chinese President Xi Jinping and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi met on the sidelines of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit in Astana last month, they struck a gentleman’s agreement; this dispute is not supposed to escalate, and there’s got to be a mutually face saving solution.
The tri-junction drama is actually a minor tremor in the much larger picture of the ongoing geopolitical tectonic shift in Eurasia. The major subplot occurs in the conjunction between the inexorable momentum of the New Silk Roads, aka China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) Navy’s push, these past nine years, to assert itself as a major naval power in the Indian Ocean.

In a nutshell, India could not but be deeply disturbed by China becoming a decisive front row player across South Asia – including in that Maritime Silk Road superhighway, the Indian Ocean.

The first-ever railway in Tibet, opened eleven years ago, links Lhasa with Xining, in northwest China. This railway will inevitably proceed all the way to Kathmandu, and assuming an OK from New Delhi – not on the cards for the time being – to north India as well. The key element of the New Silk Roads is Eurasian connectivity. And Beijing is the super-connector, not Delhi, with the scale and scope of BRI implying at least US$1 trillion in short-term investment alone.

When India looks around, to its east or to its west, what it sees is China connecting everything from Dhaka in Bangladesh to Bandar Abbas in Iran.

We’re talking about the interpenetration of the China-Indochina Peninsula Economic Corridor; the China-Indian Ocean-Africa-Mediterranean Sea Blue Economic Passage; the China-Pakistan Corridor (CPEC); and the Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar Economic Corridor (BCIM-EC). To call all this an orgy of connectivity is an understatement.

Enter “BRICS-Plus”
Hindu nationalism qualifies South Asia and the Indian Ocean as an indisputable sphere of influence for Indian civilization – and one not that dissimilar to China’s in relation to the South China Sea. Borders are scrutinized to the millimeter, especially now that the success of BRI is at stake.

The Doklam/Donglang stand-off pales, however, in comparison with the real danger zone. New Delhi argues that CPEC will be transiting an illegal territory, described in India as “Pak-occupied Kashmir.”

South Asia happens to be all for BRI – with the wary self-exception of India. New Delhi refused to attend the recent BRI forum in Beijing, issuing an official statement: “No country can accept a project that ignores its core concerns on sovereignty and territorial integrity.”

New Delhi’s boycott actually betrays the fact it has seen the writing on the wall. Pakistan is destined to “link together a series of Eurasian economic blocs”, including the Russian-led Eurasian Economic Union (EEU). And this connectivity feast will also boost the SCO (Shanghai Cooperation Organization), which, crucially, both India and Pakistan have just joined.

Pakistan’s Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif speaks at the innauguration of the China Pakistan Economoic Corridor port in Gwadar, Pakistan November 13, 2016. Photo: Reuters/Caren Firouz
The following proposal, from the chief economist of the Eurasian Development Bank, offers immense food for thought: the BRICS group (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) should be enlarged to a BRICS+ or BRICS++. Beijing enthusiastically agrees – it has, in fact, proposed its own “BRICS-Plus” idea to unite various BRI partners. Pakistan, as host of the CPEC connectivity corridor, would certainly be in line for “BRICS-Plus” membership.

So we have China and India as members of BRICS (including the bloc’s New Development Bank), the SCO, the AIIB (Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank), and of the G-20, and India and Pakistan as members of the SCO. And then we have all three nations as members of a future BRICS-Plus. It all points towards interpenetration, inter-connectivity and advanced Eurasian integration.

To allow Hindu nationalism to block New Delhi’s involvement in BRI would be counter-productive, to put it mildly. China-India bilateral trade was US$70.08 billion last year. China is India’s top trading partner.

Still, India launched an attempt at a counter-offensive last month when it joined the United Nations TIR convention, a global customs transit system with huge geographical coverage. India’s TIR gambit covers only Bangladesh, Nepal, and Bhutan, however. To think this might dent the appeal of BRI – with its massive funds, support from the Silk Road Fund, the AIIB and further on down the road, private financing (from East and West) – is, frankly, naïve wishful thinking.

Stuff BRI, we’ve got AAGC
BRI is a juggernaut that has evolved over the past four years and is finally ready to launch its full connectivity firepower. Compare its resources with India’s infrastructure predicament, its jungle of red-tape, its lack of funds for Eurasia-wide projects, and even the fact that its GDP growth dropped below China’s in 2016.

There’s also that pesky geopolitical open secret – that Pakistan constitutes a de facto Great Wall blocking India’s land route to the West and its expansion across Central Asia. New Delhi is trying to circumvent these facts on the ground by all means available.

The AAGC was duly derided in Beijing as a New Delhi-Tokyo scheme – aided and abetted by Washington – to sabotage China’s drive towards Eurasian integration. The case can certainly be made

These include the International North South Transport Corridor (INSTC), founded in September 2000 by India, Iran and Russia, and which could potentially connect India to Europe via the Persian Gulf; investing in a trade corridor between the Iranian port of Chabahar and Afghanistan; trying to copy BRI via its TIR gambit, but on the cheap, without massive investment in infrastructure. And, to counter what New Delhi brands BRI’s “Sinocentrism”, there’s its purported trump card, unveiled by Modi himself at the general meeting of the African Development Bank (AfDB) in the capital of Gujarat last May – the Asia-Africa Growth Corridor (AAGC), supported by Japan.

The AAGC has been spun by India as a project “acceptable for the banking sector,” as opposed to BRI’s “government-funded model.” In theory, the AAGC is about Asia-Africa integration. Japan brings its expertise technology and infrastructure building, India its “experience in Africa.”

The AAGC was duly derided in Beijing as a New Delhi-Tokyo scheme – aided and abetted by Washington – to sabotage China’s drive towards Eurasian integration. The case can certainly be made. New Delhi’s multiple strategies, so far, have yielded more rhetoric than action. Soon it may all come down to “if you can’t beat them, join them.” The ball is in the Hindu nationalist court.

 

[skylance]

not a war,it's 2.5 war. which symbol could repsent the uprising fighters in India?this?

 

[Sliver]

winter is coming India.

sorry couldnt let the moment go

 

[CAD]

Indian officials say about 300 soldiers from either side are facing each other at Doklam



China’s defence ministry on Monday warned India not to harbour any illusions about the Chinese military’s ability to defend its territory, amid a festering border dispute.

The stand-off on a plateau next to the mountainous state of Sikkim, which borders China, has ratcheted up tension between the neighbours, who share a 3,500-km frontier, large parts of which are disputed. “Shaking a mountain is easy but shaking the People’s Liberation Army is hard,” ministry spokesman Wu Qian told a briefing, adding its ability to defend China’s territory and sovereignty had “constantly strengthened”.

Early in June, according to the Chinese interpretation of events, Indian guards crossed into China’s Donglang region and obstructed work on a road on the plateau. The two sides’ troops then confronted each other close to a valley controlled by China that separates India from its close ally, Bhutan, and gives China access to the so-called Chicken’s Neck, a thin strip of land connecting India and its northeastern regions.



India has said it warned China that construction of the road near their common border would have serious security implications. The withdrawal of Indian border guards was a precondition for resolving the situation, Wu reiterated.

“India should not leave things to luck and not harbour any unrealistic illusions,” Wu said, adding that the military had taken emergency measures in the region and would continue to increase focused deployments and drills.

“We strongly urge India to take practical steps to correct its mistake, cease provocations, and meet China halfway in jointly safeguarding the border region’s peace and tranquillity,” he said.

ALSO READ: Armed conflict 'inevitable' if Doklam standoff continues: Chinese media

Speaking later, Chinese foreign ministry spokesman Lu Kang said Ajit Doval, India’s national security adviser, would attend a meeting in Beijing this week of security officials from the BRICS grouping that comprises Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa.


Lu would not be drawn on whether the border issue would be discussed at the meeting, hosted by China’s top diplomat, State Councillor Yang Jiechi, meant to discuss multilateral issues.

“China hopes to maintain the peace and stability of the China-India border area, but certainly will not make any compromise on issues of territorial sovereignty,” Lu said.

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi is to visit China early in September for a summit of BRICS leaders.
Indian officials say about 300 soldiers from either side are facing each other about 150 metres (yards) apart on the plateau.

They have told Reuters that both sides’ diplomats have quietly engaged to try to keep the stand-off from escalating, and that India's ambassador to Beijing is leading the effort to find a way for both sides to back down without loss of face.
Chinese state media have warned India of a fate worse than its defeat suffered in a brief border war in 1962.

China's military has held live fire drills close to the disputed area, they said this month.


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