Burma and North East India theater
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PlanetSoldier
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india already thinks thrice of messing with our military from long ago.. size, muscle don't matter always. This is why they are comfortable in backdoor policy.
alaungphaya
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My problem is, I wonder if I should report the value of the tuition I just gave iadjani as Myanmar GNP or whether I should keep it black market so Myanmar doesn't get kicked up from LDC status. 
TopCat
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Ok wise guy you are making thing too complex for yourself. You dont need to educate myself. I already shown you all the reference and how GDP calculation was underestimated in BD and how the composition which is used to calculate affected the calculation itself.
To calculate GDP, they follow the following steps.
1) Find the composition of all sectors. The standard defined by UN are 15 sectors, eg mining, industry, agriculture, construction etc. There is only 15 major sectors and you cant change it.
2) Then they select all the goods and services produced in the base year and put them in those sub sectors which can be invented and changed according to countries need. Then you related those sub sectors to the major sectors.
3) Now your sewing machine which were present in 1995 will keep on posting data as more sewing machine factories are set up. But for microchip which were not present or not perceived as present in 1995 will be subsequently omitted in the subsequent year GDP calculation eg 1996, 1997 until 2005 when the next base year will be rebased. in 2005 once microchip were included then the GDP calculation will take into calculation of microchip in 2006, 2007 and so on
4) Then for instance they are calculating GDP of 1996, they summarize the value of the goods/services produced which were present in 1995 base year and add them up and is Called Nominal GDP. Then they look into another base year for CPI (consumer price index) which could be 1995 or some other year and calculate the inflation. Then they reduce the inflation amount from nominal figure and calculate the Real GDP. Here comes the GDP deflator.
These are the steps...
PlanetSoldier
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Many off-topic discussions have been going on...now on topic please 
. Let's have some discussion on Red Corridor of india.
The following is from wikipedia:
Red corridor
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
The Red Corridor
The Red Corridor is a term used to describe a region in the east of India that experiences considerable Naxalite communist insurgency. These are also areas that suffer from the greatest illiteracy, poverty and overpopulation in modern India, and span parts of Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Chattisgarh, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Orissa, Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal states.
Naxalites have been declared as a terrorist organization under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act of India (1967). According to the Government of India, as of July 2011, 83 districts (figure includes proposed addition of 20 districts) across nine states are affected by Left Wing Extremism down from 180 districts in 2009.
Economic situation
The districts that comprise the Red Corridor are among the poorest in the country. Uttar Pradesh and Orissa are among the poorest states in the country. Other areas encompassed by the Red Corridor, such as Chattisgarh state and the Telengana region of Andhra Pradesh, are also either impoverished or have significant economic inequality, or both.
A key characteristic of this region is non-diversified economies that are solely primary sector based. Agriculture, sometimes supplemented with mining or forestry, is the mainstay of the economy, which is often unable to support rapid increases in population. The region has significant natural resources, including mineral, forestry and potential hydroelectric generation capacity. Orissa, for example, "has 60 percent of India’s bauxite reserves, 25 percent of coal, 28 percent of iron ore, 92 percent of nickel and 28 percent of manganese reserves."
Social situation
The areas encompassed by the Red Corridor tend to have stratified societies, with caste and feudal divisions. Much of the area has high indigenous tribal populations (or adivasis), including Santhal and Gond. Bihar and Jharkhand have both caste and tribal divisions and violence associated with friction between these social groups. Andhra Pradesh's Telangana region similarly has deep caste divides with a strict social hierarchical arrangement. Both Chattisgarh and Orissa have significant impoverished tribal populations.
The Orissa gap
The Red Corridor is almost contiguous from India's border with Nepal to the northern fringes of Tamil Nadu. There is, however, a significant gap consisting of coastal and some central areas in Orissa state, where Naxalite activity is low and indices of literacy and economic diversification are higher. However, the non-coastal districts of Orissa which fall in the Red Corridor have significantly lower indicators, and literacy throughout the region is well below the national average.
Red corridor - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Illustrations on Red Corridor infested zone:
. Let's have some discussion on Red Corridor of india.The following is from wikipedia:
Red corridor
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
The Red Corridor
The Red Corridor is a term used to describe a region in the east of India that experiences considerable Naxalite communist insurgency. These are also areas that suffer from the greatest illiteracy, poverty and overpopulation in modern India, and span parts of Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Chattisgarh, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Orissa, Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal states.
Naxalites have been declared as a terrorist organization under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act of India (1967). According to the Government of India, as of July 2011, 83 districts (figure includes proposed addition of 20 districts) across nine states are affected by Left Wing Extremism down from 180 districts in 2009.
Economic situation
The districts that comprise the Red Corridor are among the poorest in the country. Uttar Pradesh and Orissa are among the poorest states in the country. Other areas encompassed by the Red Corridor, such as Chattisgarh state and the Telengana region of Andhra Pradesh, are also either impoverished or have significant economic inequality, or both.
A key characteristic of this region is non-diversified economies that are solely primary sector based. Agriculture, sometimes supplemented with mining or forestry, is the mainstay of the economy, which is often unable to support rapid increases in population. The region has significant natural resources, including mineral, forestry and potential hydroelectric generation capacity. Orissa, for example, "has 60 percent of India’s bauxite reserves, 25 percent of coal, 28 percent of iron ore, 92 percent of nickel and 28 percent of manganese reserves."
Social situation
The areas encompassed by the Red Corridor tend to have stratified societies, with caste and feudal divisions. Much of the area has high indigenous tribal populations (or adivasis), including Santhal and Gond. Bihar and Jharkhand have both caste and tribal divisions and violence associated with friction between these social groups. Andhra Pradesh's Telangana region similarly has deep caste divides with a strict social hierarchical arrangement. Both Chattisgarh and Orissa have significant impoverished tribal populations.
The Orissa gap
The Red Corridor is almost contiguous from India's border with Nepal to the northern fringes of Tamil Nadu. There is, however, a significant gap consisting of coastal and some central areas in Orissa state, where Naxalite activity is low and indices of literacy and economic diversification are higher. However, the non-coastal districts of Orissa which fall in the Red Corridor have significantly lower indicators, and literacy throughout the region is well below the national average.
Red corridor - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Illustrations on Red Corridor infested zone:
Henry
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It would be insulting for you to Pass that Crown to me.
PDF is watching the Bangladeshi Clowns from the Last 24 Pages.
TopCat
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Exactly the case... Thats why you regularly need to update base year. The standard is 5 years if you can or at least in 10 years.
PlanetSoldier
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Inside India's 'red corridor'
Caught in the middle of a decades-old conflict, the Adivasis are at the bottom of India's economic and social ladder.
Al Jazeera Correspondent Last Modified: 20 Oct 2011 09:46
By Imran Garda (with thanks to Nandena Saxena, Kamal Kumar, Kavita Bahl and Yasir Khan)
The eye of the world has been focused on India's meteoric rise as a future superpower - the billion people, the Bollywood blockbusters, the inimitable IPL cricket - but, as with everything, India has its more troublesome aspects.
We have some knowledge of the conflicts on the borders - the almost intractable tension over Kashmir and a nuclear standoff with Pakistan in an epic neighbourly story. We have learnt about the slums of Mumbai, the slumdog millionaires and the struggle to bridge the gap between the poor and the super-rich in a super-stratified caste system.
But, most of us know little about the silent war that rages within India's central and eastern jungles.
At the bottom of all ladders
The Adivasis, the original inhabitants of the land who populate the jungle heartlands of the country, are caught in the middle of a conflict that has raged between India's government and Maoist insurgents, known as Naxalites, for almost five decades.
The Maoists believe in armed agrarian revolution to establish a classless society and have their roots in the Naxalbari uprising of the 1960s. But they have taken myriad and often diametrically opposed forms over the decades.
The jungles of Jharkhand state, in eastern India, provide a vivid example of the poverty and neglect many of the estimated 84 million Adivasis endure. These are people at the bottom of all ladders - economic, social, cultural, and even psychological.
In ferocious summer heat we visited Basa Dera and Sabar Basti, villages that have faced frequent lockdowns by government paramilitaries as part of ongoing operations against the Maoists.
We met a young girl suffering from Malaria. The nearest clinic of any sort was 30km away and her father seemed almost resigned to losing her. He did not know who the Indian prime minister was, but had a strong belief in democracy and was adamant that it was necessary to vote in local elections. He went to the markets of Jharkhand every week to sell vegetables. This kept them alive. But barely. I often wonder if his daughter survived.
A short, bumpier ride up the dusty gravel road, we came across the Sabar people. Even among the Adivasis there are divisions and subdivisions, higher and lower castes, and the Sabar are the lowest of the low.
The simple village real estate looked worse here. Drunken adults roamed and smiled, fell and cursed. Children, with bloated bellies signalling chronic malnutrition were dotted all over. The reek of Mahua, the local brew that numbs their pain, was everywhere. Melancholy reigned.
Binayak Sen is one of the most outspoken advocates of Adivasi rights. Incarcerated on charges of sedition, after two years, and a sustained international campaign, he was released on bail. He says Adivasis are not only disenfranchised, but live on coveted land that is rich in mineral resources. This has led to a campaign against them that he equates with genocide: "These focused processes of expropriation are forcing these people who are already living on the brink of starvation off the land and into more severe poverty. And I would submit that the condition that is being created today in large sections of the population, particularly those living in the forest areas that are mineral rich ... correspond to a genocidal situation."
India's Avatar
In Maoist-controlled territory, or Maoist "infested" areas as the state calls them, irrigation systems provide fresh flowing water and schools and clinics, although simple, provide basic services. This tends to win hearts and minds. But the state and big business needs the land to continue to fuel India's rapid industrialisation.
In Khandadhar, in the eastern state of Orissa, we encountered the Pawadi Bhuiyan tribe - now considered squatters on their own ancestral land.
With glorious waterfalls and greenery of intense lushness, the idyllic setting draws parallels with James Cameron's Pandora in Avatar. But the comparisons do not stop there. This paradise is coveted by a mining giant and the state government.
Khandadhar has rich deposits of high-grade iron-ore. In 2007, the Orissa government leased 2,500 hectares of this land to the Korean multinational POSCO.
Kandul Deori, whose family has lived here for many generations, says the threat of displacement hangs heavy in the air: "I've heard they will move us. We don't want to go. They say we'll be sent to Kalahandi, a drought-stricken place."
Locals have protested against the acquisition by POSCO and the state high court has stayed the mining operation for now, but the battle has reached the Indian Supreme Court.
Those relocated 56 years ago to make way for the Rourkela Steel Plant in Orissa are still languishing in terrible accommodation that was meant to be temporary.
What the government calls the "red corridor" - which serves the dual purpose of sounding sexy for the media and adding a catchy commie-fighting punch - could in equal measure be called the "natural resources corridor". The crown jewels of modern 'progress' are almost bursting out of the ground here.
'Terrorism in deeds'
The "red corridor" is a substantial chunk of the country. More than 200 of India's 640 districts are under Maoist control.
But my requests for a meeting with the Maoists were repeatedly denied. At one point, in a scarcely veiled threat, I was even told that they could not guarantee my safety. But we had access to some on-the-record statements from their leadership.
"You people say that India [has] got a republican, independent government, we say NO it is not so, and between these two there is a contradiction. You people say that India got independence on August 15, 1947, we say power-transfer happened. Semi-feudal, semi-colonial. Politicians, rich people and land owners are looting the country, and benefiting. You may know the current police law is from 1898, from Victorian times, so what has changed? What has changed is a few faces who sit in the parliament today. Like a new cap on an old bottle. The content of the bottle is still the same. So the common people are still deprived and they will rise," said their spokesman Gaur Chakravarty.
But Maoists often terrorise the very people they claim to protect and Adivasis have been killed on suspicion of being police informers or collaborators.
I asked Ashim Chatterjee, a member of the original Naxalbari uprising who now mediates between the government and the Maoists, whether the tactics of execution and extortion could be described as terrorism.
"Without taking up the responsibility of organising the class struggle, if you launch an armed struggle, it will inevitably become terrorism. It degenerated into a terrorist campaign. I've given it a name; it's an exercise in socialism in words, and terrorism in deeds," he explained.
Sympathisers claim the Maoists once had a reasonably successful political movement, but it was fractured by a crisis of identity and a battle within. It is unclear whether the young, ragged fighters, deep in the jungles of Orissa or Chattisgarh even know what it means to be a Maoist or what Mao Zedong stood for.
In Jharkand, scores of Maoist splinter groups emerged, becoming notorious for beheadings.
Fighting tears as he relayed his story, Sakri Bandra described how he was almost beaten to death by Maoist fighters who suspected him of treason: "They did not tell us anything, they grabbed us and took us away, one of my brothers was living there and I was here, they took my elder brother earlier and tied him up and after that they took me and tied me as well. You can see I still have the rope marks. We were three of us who were beaten, I survived and the others died."
But when it comes to brutalising the Adivasis, it is not just the Maoists who have been blamed. We met many who saved their fiercest anger for government paramilitaries.
'Operation Green Hunt'
Manmohan Singh, India's prime minister, has called the Maoist insurgency the "biggest internal security threat" faced by the county. The media calls it "Operation Green Hunt".
India's potent paramilitary force, the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF), is better known for its operations in Indian-administered Kashmir. But here, it is tasked with fighting the Maoist insurgency.
They stumbled upon us in one of the villages or perhaps it was the other way around. In plain clothes and wielding Israeli-manufactured submachine guns, they were keen to talk so I asked Commandant Sanjiv Nanda if he felt the government needed to provide greater development in these areas to prevent the villagers turning to the Maoists.
Nanda was convinced that Adivasi sympathies lay with his men: "Most of the villages ... more than 90 per cent you can say ... they are not with them [the Maoists] now. And the last 10 per cent they are with them out of fear only."
I asked him about a recent incident, where my colleagues who travelled to Chattisgarh recorded unpalatable footage of the aftermath of 60 homes being burnt to the ground by CRPF forces. Nanda reminded me that 76 CRPF men were killed in an ambush that week.
"Was it done out of revenge?" I asked.
"No it was not revenge," he fine-tuned his approach, "definitely something might have been misquoted I think. Because of the fact their supporters ... we cannot burn villages or kill supporters. As per orders we should have sufficient reasons, we should have proof ...."
"So do you think there were sufficient reasons to burn down those [homes]?"
"I cannot say anything because I don't know about the particular location and the situation changes from place to place ... this is totally ... I don't think there is any fact in this."
There are also instances of men disappearing if authorities suspect them of being Maoists - no charge, no trial, just gone.
When we got to Silpunji, we found people oblivious to the incalculable wealth of iron ore contained in the land beneath their feet. They scrape out a living from the surrounding forests, steering clear of the mining trucks that rumble through. What struck me about the village as we walked through it was that there were almost no men there.
I had come to meet local politician George Tirki, who told me that in 2009, CRPF paramilitaries raided Silpunji and arrested most of the men on suspicion of collaborating with the Maoists.
Chubby and doe-eyed yet with a regal air, Tirki played both activist and translator for us among villagers who had an absolute trust in him. We stopped outside a clearly distraught woman's home: "We don't know any Maoists. We have never seen them," she protested. "The CRPF used to come looking for Maoists every day. They would ask us for water to drink. We would give them water. We did not know that they would do this one day. Arrest our men and take them away. That morning our men were not even properly dressed."
The government has also armed and funded Adivasi vigilante squads, who are often accused of the greatest brutality. Salwa Judum at Chattisgarh is one such squad. Wherever they operate, accusations of rape, extortion and plunder follow.
Up against the full force of India's "Operation Green Hunt", success for the Maoists may be defined as mere survival. It may also not be a question of if, but rather when, India will deploy the army to root them out.
But the checks and balances of Indian democracy play their part in this war that has claimed more than 10,000 lives in the past three decades. When the government turned to aerial assaults, the Supreme Court intervened, ruling that the government could not use such force against its own people.
Faith in democracy
Caught between the Maoists and the state, many Adivasis seem convinced that the violence can only lead to their extinction. Their natural resources have become a burden, not a blessing.
Yet, these people living in the India we barely hear of, still have faith in democracy. But it is a democracy rooted in the needs and aspirations of the villages and local councils, which provides the bare minimum for its people, respects that the original inhabitants of the land have a role in charting their own future, and represents rural and urban alike.
Can the state capitalise on this faith in democracy before it is too late?
Driving through the streets of New Delhi at the end of my journey I was once again reminded of the other India: billboards with fair skinned Shahrukh Khans and Aishwarya Rais leading glamorous air-conditioned Western lifestyles burst out of the dusty haze above shanty towns choking with overpopulation.
Modernisation has brought much to the "fastest growing democracy on the planet", including dreams that are for most of the billion-plus people, especially the Adivasis, distant and unattainable.
Inside India's 'red corridor' - Al Jazeera Correspondent - Al Jazeera English
Caught in the middle of a decades-old conflict, the Adivasis are at the bottom of India's economic and social ladder.
Al Jazeera Correspondent Last Modified: 20 Oct 2011 09:46
By Imran Garda (with thanks to Nandena Saxena, Kamal Kumar, Kavita Bahl and Yasir Khan)
The eye of the world has been focused on India's meteoric rise as a future superpower - the billion people, the Bollywood blockbusters, the inimitable IPL cricket - but, as with everything, India has its more troublesome aspects.
We have some knowledge of the conflicts on the borders - the almost intractable tension over Kashmir and a nuclear standoff with Pakistan in an epic neighbourly story. We have learnt about the slums of Mumbai, the slumdog millionaires and the struggle to bridge the gap between the poor and the super-rich in a super-stratified caste system.
But, most of us know little about the silent war that rages within India's central and eastern jungles.
At the bottom of all ladders
The Adivasis, the original inhabitants of the land who populate the jungle heartlands of the country, are caught in the middle of a conflict that has raged between India's government and Maoist insurgents, known as Naxalites, for almost five decades.
The Maoists believe in armed agrarian revolution to establish a classless society and have their roots in the Naxalbari uprising of the 1960s. But they have taken myriad and often diametrically opposed forms over the decades.
The jungles of Jharkhand state, in eastern India, provide a vivid example of the poverty and neglect many of the estimated 84 million Adivasis endure. These are people at the bottom of all ladders - economic, social, cultural, and even psychological.
In ferocious summer heat we visited Basa Dera and Sabar Basti, villages that have faced frequent lockdowns by government paramilitaries as part of ongoing operations against the Maoists.
We met a young girl suffering from Malaria. The nearest clinic of any sort was 30km away and her father seemed almost resigned to losing her. He did not know who the Indian prime minister was, but had a strong belief in democracy and was adamant that it was necessary to vote in local elections. He went to the markets of Jharkhand every week to sell vegetables. This kept them alive. But barely. I often wonder if his daughter survived.
A short, bumpier ride up the dusty gravel road, we came across the Sabar people. Even among the Adivasis there are divisions and subdivisions, higher and lower castes, and the Sabar are the lowest of the low.
The simple village real estate looked worse here. Drunken adults roamed and smiled, fell and cursed. Children, with bloated bellies signalling chronic malnutrition were dotted all over. The reek of Mahua, the local brew that numbs their pain, was everywhere. Melancholy reigned.
Binayak Sen is one of the most outspoken advocates of Adivasi rights. Incarcerated on charges of sedition, after two years, and a sustained international campaign, he was released on bail. He says Adivasis are not only disenfranchised, but live on coveted land that is rich in mineral resources. This has led to a campaign against them that he equates with genocide: "These focused processes of expropriation are forcing these people who are already living on the brink of starvation off the land and into more severe poverty. And I would submit that the condition that is being created today in large sections of the population, particularly those living in the forest areas that are mineral rich ... correspond to a genocidal situation."
India's Avatar
In Maoist-controlled territory, or Maoist "infested" areas as the state calls them, irrigation systems provide fresh flowing water and schools and clinics, although simple, provide basic services. This tends to win hearts and minds. But the state and big business needs the land to continue to fuel India's rapid industrialisation.
In Khandadhar, in the eastern state of Orissa, we encountered the Pawadi Bhuiyan tribe - now considered squatters on their own ancestral land.
With glorious waterfalls and greenery of intense lushness, the idyllic setting draws parallels with James Cameron's Pandora in Avatar. But the comparisons do not stop there. This paradise is coveted by a mining giant and the state government.
Khandadhar has rich deposits of high-grade iron-ore. In 2007, the Orissa government leased 2,500 hectares of this land to the Korean multinational POSCO.
Kandul Deori, whose family has lived here for many generations, says the threat of displacement hangs heavy in the air: "I've heard they will move us. We don't want to go. They say we'll be sent to Kalahandi, a drought-stricken place."
Locals have protested against the acquisition by POSCO and the state high court has stayed the mining operation for now, but the battle has reached the Indian Supreme Court.
Those relocated 56 years ago to make way for the Rourkela Steel Plant in Orissa are still languishing in terrible accommodation that was meant to be temporary.
What the government calls the "red corridor" - which serves the dual purpose of sounding sexy for the media and adding a catchy commie-fighting punch - could in equal measure be called the "natural resources corridor". The crown jewels of modern 'progress' are almost bursting out of the ground here.
'Terrorism in deeds'
The "red corridor" is a substantial chunk of the country. More than 200 of India's 640 districts are under Maoist control.
But my requests for a meeting with the Maoists were repeatedly denied. At one point, in a scarcely veiled threat, I was even told that they could not guarantee my safety. But we had access to some on-the-record statements from their leadership.
"You people say that India [has] got a republican, independent government, we say NO it is not so, and between these two there is a contradiction. You people say that India got independence on August 15, 1947, we say power-transfer happened. Semi-feudal, semi-colonial. Politicians, rich people and land owners are looting the country, and benefiting. You may know the current police law is from 1898, from Victorian times, so what has changed? What has changed is a few faces who sit in the parliament today. Like a new cap on an old bottle. The content of the bottle is still the same. So the common people are still deprived and they will rise," said their spokesman Gaur Chakravarty.
But Maoists often terrorise the very people they claim to protect and Adivasis have been killed on suspicion of being police informers or collaborators.
I asked Ashim Chatterjee, a member of the original Naxalbari uprising who now mediates between the government and the Maoists, whether the tactics of execution and extortion could be described as terrorism.
"Without taking up the responsibility of organising the class struggle, if you launch an armed struggle, it will inevitably become terrorism. It degenerated into a terrorist campaign. I've given it a name; it's an exercise in socialism in words, and terrorism in deeds," he explained.
Sympathisers claim the Maoists once had a reasonably successful political movement, but it was fractured by a crisis of identity and a battle within. It is unclear whether the young, ragged fighters, deep in the jungles of Orissa or Chattisgarh even know what it means to be a Maoist or what Mao Zedong stood for.
In Jharkand, scores of Maoist splinter groups emerged, becoming notorious for beheadings.
Fighting tears as he relayed his story, Sakri Bandra described how he was almost beaten to death by Maoist fighters who suspected him of treason: "They did not tell us anything, they grabbed us and took us away, one of my brothers was living there and I was here, they took my elder brother earlier and tied him up and after that they took me and tied me as well. You can see I still have the rope marks. We were three of us who were beaten, I survived and the others died."
But when it comes to brutalising the Adivasis, it is not just the Maoists who have been blamed. We met many who saved their fiercest anger for government paramilitaries.
'Operation Green Hunt'
Manmohan Singh, India's prime minister, has called the Maoist insurgency the "biggest internal security threat" faced by the county. The media calls it "Operation Green Hunt".
India's potent paramilitary force, the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF), is better known for its operations in Indian-administered Kashmir. But here, it is tasked with fighting the Maoist insurgency.
They stumbled upon us in one of the villages or perhaps it was the other way around. In plain clothes and wielding Israeli-manufactured submachine guns, they were keen to talk so I asked Commandant Sanjiv Nanda if he felt the government needed to provide greater development in these areas to prevent the villagers turning to the Maoists.
Nanda was convinced that Adivasi sympathies lay with his men: "Most of the villages ... more than 90 per cent you can say ... they are not with them [the Maoists] now. And the last 10 per cent they are with them out of fear only."
I asked him about a recent incident, where my colleagues who travelled to Chattisgarh recorded unpalatable footage of the aftermath of 60 homes being burnt to the ground by CRPF forces. Nanda reminded me that 76 CRPF men were killed in an ambush that week.
"Was it done out of revenge?" I asked.
"No it was not revenge," he fine-tuned his approach, "definitely something might have been misquoted I think. Because of the fact their supporters ... we cannot burn villages or kill supporters. As per orders we should have sufficient reasons, we should have proof ...."
"So do you think there were sufficient reasons to burn down those [homes]?"
"I cannot say anything because I don't know about the particular location and the situation changes from place to place ... this is totally ... I don't think there is any fact in this."
There are also instances of men disappearing if authorities suspect them of being Maoists - no charge, no trial, just gone.
When we got to Silpunji, we found people oblivious to the incalculable wealth of iron ore contained in the land beneath their feet. They scrape out a living from the surrounding forests, steering clear of the mining trucks that rumble through. What struck me about the village as we walked through it was that there were almost no men there.
I had come to meet local politician George Tirki, who told me that in 2009, CRPF paramilitaries raided Silpunji and arrested most of the men on suspicion of collaborating with the Maoists.
Chubby and doe-eyed yet with a regal air, Tirki played both activist and translator for us among villagers who had an absolute trust in him. We stopped outside a clearly distraught woman's home: "We don't know any Maoists. We have never seen them," she protested. "The CRPF used to come looking for Maoists every day. They would ask us for water to drink. We would give them water. We did not know that they would do this one day. Arrest our men and take them away. That morning our men were not even properly dressed."
The government has also armed and funded Adivasi vigilante squads, who are often accused of the greatest brutality. Salwa Judum at Chattisgarh is one such squad. Wherever they operate, accusations of rape, extortion and plunder follow.
Up against the full force of India's "Operation Green Hunt", success for the Maoists may be defined as mere survival. It may also not be a question of if, but rather when, India will deploy the army to root them out.
But the checks and balances of Indian democracy play their part in this war that has claimed more than 10,000 lives in the past three decades. When the government turned to aerial assaults, the Supreme Court intervened, ruling that the government could not use such force against its own people.
Faith in democracy
Caught between the Maoists and the state, many Adivasis seem convinced that the violence can only lead to their extinction. Their natural resources have become a burden, not a blessing.
Yet, these people living in the India we barely hear of, still have faith in democracy. But it is a democracy rooted in the needs and aspirations of the villages and local councils, which provides the bare minimum for its people, respects that the original inhabitants of the land have a role in charting their own future, and represents rural and urban alike.
Can the state capitalise on this faith in democracy before it is too late?
Driving through the streets of New Delhi at the end of my journey I was once again reminded of the other India: billboards with fair skinned Shahrukh Khans and Aishwarya Rais leading glamorous air-conditioned Western lifestyles burst out of the dusty haze above shanty towns choking with overpopulation.
Modernisation has brought much to the "fastest growing democracy on the planet", including dreams that are for most of the billion-plus people, especially the Adivasis, distant and unattainable.
Inside India's 'red corridor' - Al Jazeera Correspondent - Al Jazeera English
alaungphaya
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Everything from about halfway down from what you wrote is wrong:
Here is a list of what is wrong:-
- microchips will be calculated in the nominal GDP if they are produced. If it is omitted, it is unrelated to the base year.
- the CPI and GDP deflator are not the same thing. They are similar in that they are both a measure of changes in price. However, the GDP deflator is a measure of the prices of things that are produced in the country in question. This is then used to adjust for inflation.
Here is the UK Treasury's explanation of it all. User's guide: Background information on GDP and GDP deflator - HM Treasury
I'll give you a highlight:
I'll say it again. Nominal GDP is unrelated to the GDP base year. GDP base year is the reference year from which the GDP deflator inflation adjustment is made. If certain things are omitted in the GDP, it is unrelated to the base year.
This is the last I will say about it.
Here is a list of what is wrong:-
- microchips will be calculated in the nominal GDP if they are produced. If it is omitted, it is unrelated to the base year.
- the CPI and GDP deflator are not the same thing. They are similar in that they are both a measure of changes in price. However, the GDP deflator is a measure of the prices of things that are produced in the country in question. This is then used to adjust for inflation.
Here is the UK Treasury's explanation of it all. User's guide: Background information on GDP and GDP deflator - HM Treasury
I'll give you a highlight:
I'll say it again. Nominal GDP is unrelated to the GDP base year. GDP base year is the reference year from which the GDP deflator inflation adjustment is made. If certain things are omitted in the GDP, it is unrelated to the base year.
This is the last I will say about it.
TopCat
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I really need to give you a break.
yes I agree with you that microchip should be included regardless of base year theoretically as it fall under industry. But, in practice it is impossible for any country to maintain that many sectors which has no value whatsoever. So Countries maintains a pool of product and services which are most important and contribute most to the GDP for quick calculation. Its a standard practice. As microchip were not present in 1995 then its unnecessary to keep it in every calculation and spend money on it.
LaBong
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A friendly advice iajduni, stop making a fool out of yourself. Govt do not go door to door and check if the product did exist before the base year. Everything that is being produced is counted in gross domestic product, that's why it is called gross domestic product to begin with.
alaungphaya
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Hey, look at the very first thing I said about this tiresome subject:
TopCat
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You started just fine but ended with complete different view. thanks
You should be made the next Finance Minister of India.. LOL
alaungphaya
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I give up.
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