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Blueprint to tackle Maoists

kurup

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THE BIG PICTURE

Confronted with the Maoist menace, Civil Administration’s incompetence is making mountain out of a molehill by suggesting induction of the military.

The threat posed by the Maoists to the Union cannot be compared to the LoC in Kashmir or the Northeast. On borders, there is direct support of the external players. Both, in terms of creeping invasion by Islamic fundamentalists that results in demographic changes, as well as, to infiltrate fundamentalists to equip and train the local sympathizers to subvert the Civil Administration. Couple this with the military threat posed by China and Pakistan directly. If the military dilutes its vigil on the volatile borders, Union of India will soon lose major chunks of its territory.

The biggest threat to India today is posed by Indians and not by the Chinese or Pakistanis.

This constitutes the primary role of the army.

The clamor by many to bring in the Army and the Air Force to resolve the Maoist threat ignores the key question: Is the threat posed gigantic enough to warrant deployment of the army? Or is the Civil Administration creating mountain out of the molehill because its level of incompetence is now beyond redemption?

The schedule and the resources required to host the Commonwealth Games by India were well considered at the time of bidding for the games. With barely 60 days left, we are not prepared. There was no threat posed by the Maoists, the Northeast insurgents or the terrorists to disrupt the preparations. Yet the Civil Administration flounders despite a well-defined objective and demands induction of 300 military personnel.

The same incompetence is visible in other aspects of the civil administration.

The same incompetence is visible in other aspects of the civil administration. Millions of ton of wheat procured at the taxpayer’s expense for distribution to the poor segment of society was allowed to rot in the rains. A state within the Union creates ‘counter insurgency’ school for the police without basic facilities like firing range and skilled officers to train personnel. Two courses pass out and declared ready to take on the Maoists! If the CRPF or the state police personnel remain unskilled, untrained and underequipped, and led by ‘incompetence’, causalities are bound to be high.

There are no bad units, only bad officers!

The security threat posed by the Maoists to the Union is relatively small compared to the externally supported insurgency and terrorism faced by the army in Kashmir and the Northeast. The known external support to the Maoists is very little, possibly because their activity is centered in the interior of India. They are more of a rag tag bunch that largely fight with weapons looted from the police armory, or are country manufactured. Due to Civil Administration’s abdication of authority, they successfully manage to loot police stations for weapons, attack jails and free inmates and run armament factories. These concessions conceded under duress amounts to dereliction of duty by the Civil Administration.

In the military such negligence will invite immediate court martial.

The turf wars to keep the military authorities at bay by the civil setup must stop, if they desire to ensure that the writ of the Union runs throughout the nation.

The Maoist threat rated as ‘biggest’ to the Union is not because the Maoists are better armed and financed than the Jihad Factory on our borders but due to the threat posed from within that disrupts the growth of the nation. A family or a nation that lacks harmony within is incapable of handling external threats. In somewhat similar circumstances, the Chinese conquered Tibet and the Maoists are poised to capture Nepal. With the American led Western Forces slated to withdraw from Afghanistan in July 2011, defence of India’s borders will demand extra military muscle. Nevertheless, India’s potential to outmaneuver both its adversaries is immense, provided the Civil Administration learns to govern efficiently.

In the first place, if the Civil Administration which implies the ‘Executive” was moderately competent, delivered justice, was responsive and enforced ‘rule of law,’ and did not allow the gradual slip of territories in to the hands of the miscreants, the problem would not have arisen. The state true to the prevalent culture of ‘logic of convenience’ abdicated its responsibility by distributing arms to the locals to fend themselves in the garb of ‘Salwa Judum’. The common man, out of fear is forced to support the Maoists, in absence of protection from the legitimate local administration. The Maoists are made to look very tall due to the ineptitude and callousness of the administration. The poor generalship in 1962 by the military and the political leadership made the Chinese look very tall. The historical truism is that the Chinese have never won a war.

In somewhat similar circumstances, the Chinese conquered Tibet and the Maoists are poised to capture Nepal

The second key question: In the near future, in addition, will we ask the Indian Army to take over the running of Municipality, Commonwealth Games, health services, policing, or Kerala that is emerging as a terrorist hub, besides tackling the Maoists who almost control forty percent of the Union’s territory? Or do we take strong corrective measures to set right the Civil Administration, which is practically falling apart?

Our adversaries are aware that the Union of India is as strong or as weak as its army. They will be delighted to see the Indian Army diverted from its primary external role to resolve the internal strife. Such diversion will help the forty-two terrorist training camps running in Azad Kashmir to shift to Srinagar! In any case, army with huge shortage of officers is already in an overstretch and any further deployment against Maoists will result in an extraordinary strain.

Two beefed up army divisions with integral air element is adequate to dismantle the Maoist infrastructure within one year. The civil administration projects it at seven years. This seven-time magnification is approximately the level of incompetence acquired since independence.

The third key question: After the army brings the situation under control- what next?

Once the army in a short time manages to restore the adverse situation, will the Civil Administration take over its responsibility to renew its writ and relieve the army for the more urgent primary role? The idea behind the induction of the Indian Army in the Northeast and J&K was again to restore the adverse situation and thereby create conducive environment for the political process to start. This was an enabler, but the Civil Administration spurned the gains. The Civil Administration in Kashmir, and not the army should carry out ‘Sadbhawana’ movement. The Indian Army initially met many reverses, but persevered, and finally got on to ‘top-of–the-situation’. However, the Civil Administration till date fails to take charge. The end result is that the Indian Army finds itself in a quagmire. It is mired in a role that is not primary to it.

This is one of the many reasons as to why the army should not get deployed to resolve the Maoist problem spread over forty percent of the land within. In such an eventuality the Civil Administration will never ever gear up to make itself competent, accountable and responsible for its primary task.

The only reason that would justify army’s deployment is a scenario wherein the Maoist threaten to territorially split India from inside. Panic buttons are being pressed unnecessarily, due to a magnified illusion created out of sheer ineptitude. Luckily, time favors the Civil Administration to acquire and hone the essential skills to resolve the problem, since the menace largely has internal dimensions.

The final question: How to resolve or minimize the internal security threat to avoid a divided house while confronting the two front external threats?


Patrolling by Indian Army in Insurgency Affected Area

THE BLUEPRINT
The lopsided Indian pacifism may be good for an individual’s soul but has proved to be suicidal for the nation’s security. The wobbly Civil Administration for decades is on the withdrawal mode with its influence shrinking on the external periphery as well as within. They leave their posts in the interiors and hide behind fortifications preferably in the state capitals or in New Delhi. The Maoists or similar forces occupy the vacuum.

To overcome the ‘withdrawal’ culture of the state, there is the need to inject offensive orientation in the otherwise pacifist approach of the Civil Administration and the political class. This requires import of military thinking and skills to create the necessary administrative ability to positively influence and dominate the ground. Notwithstanding the bureaucracy’s apathy towards the armed forces, because of the burden of pacifism, such skills can only come from the military.

First, to reclaim the situation in favor of the state, the army should make the Maoist affected districts as the area of annual training at divisional level. Two division level exercise conducted for forty-five days each in turns, for a period of one year continuously, will make an enormous difference.

The army by its sheer presence will facilitate the Civil Administration in restoring the Union of India’s writ in the affected areas. Incase the military is fired upon, it will fire back to defend its assets and carry on with conduct of the exercise, without getting involved in the nitty-gritty of local administration. It may be underscored that between ‘existence of state’ and anarchy, military is the decisive instrument. Military power, therefore, needs to be employed intelligently and must be given a free hand to ruthlessly restore the writ of the state.

Military wherever deployed, keeps its eyes and ears glued to the ground to gather local intelligence for its own security. This intelligence can be shared with the Civil Administration to counter the Maoists. Army can very well dismantle the Maoist bases located inside the thick forest by its sheer presence while conducting military exercise.

Large-scale army exercises are hugely beneficial to the local economy. Moreover, it instills confidence in the local people and the administration.

From this very core where military exercises will be conducted, the Para-military, the police, the District magistrate etc. can begin to restore the writ of the Union. The Civil Administration should expand outwards in the interior of the districts on the ‘hub and spoke’ principle.

Second, to simultaneously leverage the impact of the army presence, the Civil Administration should handpick a team of officers known for their integrity and the ability, to be inducted in the affected areas. The truth is that the army can only create an environment conducive to civil governance. If the bureaucracy cannot supervise, insurgency will reappear.

Third, militarization of the Indian mind, particularly in the Civil Administration to restore a balance between extreme form of pacifism and action is essential. BSF was raised by military officers initially and did well. The Assam Rifles (Para-military) officered by Army is effective in the Northeast. It is the operational wing of the NSG, on direct deputation and officered by the army that delivered in Mumbai 26/11. Therefore, the need to propagate military skills in the civil is essential. This will equip the Civil Administration to deal with the internal armed threats as also govern with efficiency. Whenever the civil set up choose to be militarized, it succeeded in neutralizing the threat—KPS Gill during insurgency in Punjab and the Greyhound Commandos of Andhra Police delivered.

The lateral induction of military personnel into the Civil Administration will benefit on multiple counts. First, it will keep the military young which is an operational necessity. Second, it will bring military skills and ethos in the IAS, IFS and Police and Para-military. The turf wars to keep the military authorities at bay by the civil setup must stop, if they desire to ensure that the writ of the Union runs throughout the nation. Putting a retired Major General in the advisory board of the Unified Command to tackle the Maoists is being neither here nor there!

The soldiers’ color service in the army should be reduced to ten years from seventeen and he should be inducted subsequently into the Para military and the police. This would keep the army young and beef up the skills in the civil.

The police and the Para-military should get at least hundred new recruits from each state trained every year for the next five years at the nearest Army Regimental Training Centre along with the army recruits. Similarly, at least a hundred police, Para-military and IPS officers should be trained with the Officer Cadets in the Officer Training Academy every year. This manpower should form the nucleus of the Armed Police Constabulary, both in the states and the centre in future.

In the short term, a Lt General, seconded to the Home Ministry from the Army, should head the CRPF. He must be allowed the freedom to induct retired military officers and soldiers on attractive terms of service to make the CRPF fighting fit on ‘war footing.’ In pacifist India, unfortunately, decision-making on ‘war footing’ translates in to forming a committee – an endless endeavor, followed by a GOM! We need to learn the art of ‘flat decision-making’ to face the internal and the external challenges. Quick, bold, fair and accurate decision- making is vital for the good health of the state.

The biggest threat to India today is by the Indians and not by the Chinese or the Pakistanis. Just, efficient and firm administration is the foremost necessity. Otherwise, India may soon become a replica of the failed state, Pakistan.

http://www.indiandefencereview.com/news/blueprint-to-tackle-maoists/0/
 
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What are the demands of the maoists?

@joe shrear @sandyy_3126

The Maoist movement in India has evolved both in terms of its strategy and demands. The rebellion has its origin in the 1960s, starting in a small village in West Bengal called Naxalbari. It started as a struggle against the prevailing feudal system in Bengal and the movement, losing all hopes of acquiring justice from the existing political structure, took up arms to fight for the landless peasants and the voiceless people.

Over the years though the method of struggle has remained the same. The Maoists’ demands, however, have gone up. Besides agricultural reform, the Maoists now want tribal ownership over forest land.

This is one of the main contentions between the government and the Naxals. The ruling establishment wants to give forest resources to private players for exploitation. The rebels argue that this policy will drive tribes away from their own land and make them pawns in the hands of market players.
 
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The article is perplexing. Nobody is seriously demanding deployment of army as the maoists are spread over a very very large area without dominating it. A conventional war is not only an overkill but also totally ineffective and counterproductive.
 
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What are the demands of the maoists?

@joe shrear @sandyy_3126

The "demands" shift from time to time but the stated goal of the Maoists contrary to popular belief is not the secession of some region or another but the establishment of a "People's Republic of India", pretty much changing the very form of governance to be more reminiscent to the old Mao and Pol Pot style, albeit it would be more accurate to state that was the original aspiration of the ideologues of the movement. But given that the Maoists have splintered into various factions the goals of said factions are more provincial (tribal rights, use of tribal land and its ownership etc.) with many eschewing even armed conflict. The downside is that those factions which are active are among the most violent of Maoist cadre. Obviously their demands cannot be accommodated but once in a while we call up negotiations and like clockwork their leadership emerges from the foliage only to get killed, that way they never manage to gain theater wide initiative and we get left with sporadic attacks which are confined to a hot spot here or a particular tract of forest there, otherwise there was a time (as shown by the infamous "red map") where they really were the biggest pain in our neck.
 
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@ Subject

Why should the IA step in ?

The MHA has so many Para Military orgnisations to themselves , they are headed by an IPS officer who comes in as a Burra Sahib to make his money & retire in peace.

The Assam Rifles is under the IA, how are they able to control the NE when these clots cannot ?

If these MHA forces cannot handle such basic work ,put them under the army or disband them and give their salaries to the forces that will operate in their place as extra allowance.

These babus & IPS officers want to rule the roost without being responsible for the consequences.
 
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The solution is negotiations not war. One dead maoist equals ten more.
 
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The respective State governments and the GOI already try to find peaceful solutions, but this only applies for those who are not taking ups arms/those who have laid down their arms.

Negotiating with terrorists who murder security forces and innocent people, bomb roads, schools and hospitals is not an option.
 
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The solution is negotiations not war. One dead maoist equals ten more.

These organisations and fights have become an industry .

Beside the aggrieved parties , others also do not want peace to happen - they will lose both money & clout.

History has it that whenever the throne of Delhi has been weak outlying provinces have rebelled. The nation needs resolute leadership . Right or wrong a decision needs to be taken, ignoring does help solve a problem.

One hopes that the next elections will bring a strong govt.
 
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The solution is negotiations not war. One dead maoist equals ten more.
Negotiations to what end? Is there something we can give them, in exchange for which they will end their armed insurgency? Let me answer your previous question of what their demands are, to demonstrate the futility of negotiations.

They don't have any demands in the larger sense, that if we give them those demands they will stop their insurgency. For example, the TTP's demands may be for impostion of sharia all over Pakistan. The maoists have one aim only, which is to establish a communist state instead of the present democratic republic. The rest are simply side goals for them. If the TTP's only aim is to overthrow the state, end democracy, get rid of the constitution, and establish a caliphate, is there any point in negotiating, unless you are prepared to agree to those terms? Pakistan is negotiating with them in the hope that if you accept some of their demands, they will end their larger goals and renounce violence. That may or may not work, we shall see.

However in India's case, the maoists want nothing other than a communist dictatorship, with themselves in power. There is no demand that we can agree to on a negotiating table. They themselves have no such demands. Their only demands are tactical, for temporary arrangements. For example, here are their ''demands'' from the horse's mouth -

“To put concisely the main demands that the party has placed in front of the government [of India] for any kind of talks are 1. All-out war has to be withdrawn; 2) For any kind of democratic work, the ban on the Party and Mass Organizations have to be lifted; 3) Illegal detention and torture of comrades had to be stopped and they be immediately released. If these demands are met, then the same leaders who are released from jails would lead and represent the Party in the talks.”

(Link given below, and in the link you can also read about their aims of establishing a communist dictatorship like Mao did to China - the name of their organizaation itself is a giveaway.)

Besides, all said and done, India has no need to negotiate with them, because despite these hit and run attacks, they are in no position whatsoever to challenge the writ of the state. They cannot control any territory, they can only hide in jungles and ambush policemen. Even our police forces are more than a match for them, it is only a question of decisively destroying them, instead of keeping them confined to the jungles, which is what we have done for four decades. Wshy should we negotiate, when we are the strong side? A strong side does not need to negotiate on a tactical scale, and a side that has their only aim as overthrowing the state has nothing to negotiate for with the state.

Intervju med CPI:s generalsekreterare
 
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Maoist Problem is Not Was Such Big problem First But Due Political Negligence Its Now Created Headache For India.These Maoist get full Shelters from some of the elements Present in Our Society And Politics as well Parties Like Cpi Fully Breed-ed Moist In their Power Reign And used them for their Political Motives.And It Getting Out of their Hands As well.Maoists Of today have No Ideology Their Movements Lost their Direction They are Now No more than Terrorist Or thugs And Political Henchmen.:frown::frown::frown::frown:
 
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One thing is for sure, this man don't know shit about Naxals and had never ever visited a naxal hotbed.

This is the most chutiya post by a even more chutiya Indian Army fanboy. This person cannot be from army.

An Deputy Commandant (Major in army) level CRPF officer has more operational experience than a Lt Col of Army.

I invite him to come to my unit 201 COBRA BN n go on a ops with me. He will for sure shit in his pants.

When Army was asked to take on Naxalite they said we won't do ops untill AFSPA will be implemented, which they know that Govt wont do for 16 states therefore they will as usual take rest in peaceful cantt area of a metro city.
 
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I think about 10 to 15 years ago.Indian Army almost kill all leaders and encircle this remaining leaders for killing them in a Northern area.But when they know that they cant win.They send an apologising letter to Parliament for help and GoI at that time release them.Again these idiots do the same job.But this time they may finish no matter what.
 
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The "demands" shift from time to time but the stated goal of the Maoists contrary to popular belief is not the secession of some region or another but the establishment of a "People's Republic of India", pretty much changing the very form of governance to be more reminiscent to the old Mao and Pol Pot style, albeit it would be more accurate to state that was the original aspiration of the ideologues of the movement. But given that the Maoists have splintered into various factions the goals of said factions are more provincial (tribal rights, use of tribal land and its ownership etc.) with many eschewing even armed conflict. The downside is that those factions which are active are among the most violent of Maoist cadre. Obviously their demands cannot be accommodated but once in a while we call up negotiations and like clockwork their leadership emerges from the foliage only to get killed, that way they never manage to gain theater wide initiative and we get left with sporadic attacks which are confined to a hot spot here or a particular tract of forest there, otherwise there was a time (as shown by the infamous "red map") where they really were the biggest pain in our neck.



YOu just gave the reason why they dont trust the gov;t. There is increasing concern that their movement has gained much traction. Moe educated ppl are joining...
 
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Understanding Tribal Affinities: Key to Resolving Insurgency in Northeast India


A crude cycle bomb exploded on 26 December 2013 in Jalpaiguri town in North West Bengal, killing five persons and wounding seven bystanders . The blast was attributed to an almost defunct insurgent group called Kamtapur Liberation Organisation (KLO), as it had used cycle bombs in the past to create disturbances in the state. KLO traces its origins to All Kamtapur Students Union. It began as an overground organisation to address the issues of unemployment, land alienation, economic deprivationamongst the locals and a perceived neglect of Kamtapuri language. KLO commenced armed struggle in December 1995 for creation of a separate state of Kamtapur comprising four districts of Assam, namely, Kokrajhar, Bongaigaon, Dhubri and Golparaand six districts of North Bengalviz Cooch Behar, Darjeeling, Jalpaiguri, North and South Dinajpur and Malda with active assistance from ULFA and National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB). KLO is also thought to be the armed wing of Kamtapur Peoples Party (KPP), a political entity fighting for the rights of the indigenous local population known as Koch Rajbanshis.

Historical Links
A comprehensive study of Koch Rajbanshi people indicates their linkage with other ethnic groups in Northeast and explains the rationale for cooperation of other insurgent groups with KLO. Kamtapur was an ancient Koch kingdom, which rose into prominence in 16th Century. Later, the princely state of Cooch Behar was the last remnant of the kingdom before it merged with India in 1949.The Koch are of Mongoloid race and believed to be the oldest inhabitants of Northeast having migrated to the region and settled along the various river plains. Depending upon their area of settlement and their evolving religious and cultural distinctiveness, the Koch tribe embraced different identities. The Koch is known as Bodos in BrahmaputraValley, as Dimasa in North Cachar Hills and as Rabhasin Jalpaiguri district. Today, the Koch Rajbanshi community can be found in Assam, West Bengal, Meghalaya, Nepal and Bangladesh. The community has been granted Scheduled Tribe status in Meghalaya. Despite issue of an ordinance by the President of India in 1996, a similar status has not yet been accorded to them in Assam. The population of Koch Rajbanshis in Assam is around three million, almost ten percent of the total population. Though Koch tribe forms only 1.2 percent of Meghalaya’s population, the Rajbhanshi dialect bears a close similarity with Garo and Bodo languages.

KLO received active assistance from ULFA and NDFB in the initial stages of its armed struggle. NDFB draws its support from the Bodo inhabitants and is active in the districts of Bongaingaon, Chirang, Kokrajhar, Darrang, Barpeta, Nalbari, Dhubri, Sonitpur and the Garo hills of Meghalaya. A comprehensive study of the tribal composition would have indicated presence of a sizeable population of Rajbanshis in districts of Bongaingaon, Kokrajhar and Dhubri where Bodos are the other dominant community. Even though the Rajbanshis are predominantly Hindus, Bodos follow Bathouism , a close cooperation between KLO and NDFB would have been expected to take place due to the inter-woven social structures. Similarly, linguistic connection with Bodo and Garo languages would indicate that a KLO militant could move almost undetected from Assam to West Bengal to Meghalaya and onward to Nepal or Myanmar. KLO’s chief,JeevanSinghais believed to be in Myanmar in ULFA or NDFB camps. He escaped during Operation Flushout in 2003, with other important leaders to Nepal . The historic tribal linkages have led to close cooperation amongst the insurgent groups in terms of assistance in training, providing arms, use of camping sites and most importantly, unhindered ease of movement within various states to avoid security forces.

Challenges for Security Forces
Majority of the insurgent movements have taken shape based on perceived injustice coupled with poor governance. The aggrieved sections of people visualise the armed struggle as an escape mechanism to rectify historical or governance wrongs against their community. Thus, aspirations of every ethnic group to establish its own distinct individuality have led to demands of a separate homeland, which hasthe potential to weaken the internal security structures.

Indian Army has been and will always be the most important stakeholder in tackling defensive sub-conventional warfare. In majority of the cases, the units or formations move into an area for stabilisation operations at the peak of insurgent movement. Maximum effort is focused towards counter terrorist operations and comparatively little attention is paid to understanding local people and their cultural sensitivities. The cyclic nature of deployment, essential due to vagaries of location and terrain results in frequent troop and unit turnovers. Consequently, gains made in creating a favourable public opinion cannot be fully consolidated. This aspect may be one of the reasons for initiatives like the Sadbhavana projects having a limited outreach. Though the army formations and units have decade’s long experience in tackling various phases of insurgency since independence, there is no institutionalised mechanism for providing an in-depth study of local population when units move into a disturbed area. The units have to rely on available security briefs, past experiences and general awareness while conducting operations or during their dealings with government functionaries and the locals.

Way Forward
Understanding tribal structures and social affinities will enable junior leaders and stakeholders to have a comprehensive understanding of local issues as well as provide them an insight into societal complexities. Though some studies or analysis would be available at higher headquarters, a number of institutionalised steps can be taken to empower own leaders, namely:

• Sponsor studies at formation level or commission studies with local universities to identify strengths and weaknesses of each community. The knowledge of tribal inter-linkages and SWOT analysis can be later used to enhance success of own operations or predict likely course of action of militant groups.

• There is a need for institutionalised training of area experts who can provide an unbiased objective analysis and a deeper insight into the psyche of the local people. Nominated officers and soldiers can be sponsored for short courses at local or regional universities.

• Formations could organise frequent interactions with local academia as well as other security forces operation in the region to have regular updates and be aware of local sensitivities. The units also must identify soldiers with flair of learning local languages and take in-house steps for their education. Given the deployment patterns, the unit may be back in the same area after 7 to 10 years and knowledge gained can be gainfully exploited.

• Headquarters at Division level and above could regularly commission studies with various think tanks or universities on various aspects of the region to have a divergent view.The experts from academia and other fields can be roped at various stages rather than relying solely on own analysis.
• Area studies must form a sizeable aspect of pre-induction training. A small step in educating own officers can be greater focus on J&K and Northeast insurgency as part of promotion exams.

Indian population is a diverse mix of different races and tribes bound together due to religious and cultural identity. The Northeast states are home to over 220 ethnic groups and almost a similar number of dialects. Each state has a unique composition with a complex mix of various tribes and sub-tribes. An in-depth knowledge of the social fabric will pay rich dividends to the security forces during their deployment in a disturbed area as well as provide useful inputs during stablisation phase of any insurgent movement.

Understanding Tribal Affinities: Key to Resolving Insurgency in Northeast India
 
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