ASEAN Affairs Forum

[Nike]

Asean economies facing sharp slowdown

Paolo G. Montecillo, Philippine Daily Inquirer/ANN, Manila | Business | Fri, September 06 2013, 7:59 AM

Southeast Asian economies like the Philippines face a sharp deceleration in growth as a result of a credit crunch brought on by a shift in the monetary policy of the US Federal Reserve.

The Institute of Chartered Accountants in England and Wales (Icaew) also warned that, although Southeast Asian economies have more stable economic foundations, the countries might also have to deal with the slowdown in China—Southeast Asia’s largest trading partner.

“While we believe that the strong underlying fundamentals for the region…mean that the onset of tighter monetary policy in the US will not trigger the currency crises we saw in the late 1990s, volatility is creating a more uncertain environment,” said Icaew.

Citing a study by the Centre of Economics and Business Research, the group said that a repeat of the Asian crisis of 1997 was unlikely given the lower debt-to-gross domestic product (GDP) ratios of the countries in the region.

But the slowdown in capital inflow “is acting as a serious pressure on regional markets,” said Icaew, which has 140,000 members around the world.

The report noted that the Philippines’ GDP growth for 2013 could hit 5.3 per cent in 2013, slowing down from the 6.8 per cent reported the year before.

The slower growth rate for the year implies a sharp deceleration in growth in the second half, following a first half expansion of 7.6 per cent—the fastest in Southeast Asia.

Icaew’s forecast is also lower than the Philippine government’s 6 to 7-per cent target for the year, and the International Monetary Fund’s projection of 7 per cent.

But Icaew remains optimistic, expecting the country’s growth to be higher by six-tenths of a percentage point than the average GDP expansion the Philippines has recorded in the last five years.

The Philippines “has huge scope for increases in productivity. Even though the country may experience an initial lag as workers are retrained, new capital is invested and new supply chains are developed, strong growth in consumption and government spending will drive GDP up,” Icaew said.

“However, beyond this, high unemployment and poverty levels, as well as a need to lift interest rates in response to tighter monetary conditions in the US may drag growth down to 4.6 per cent in 2015.”

Asean economies facing sharp slowdown | The Jakarta Post

I think this is will became the bad news for all of ASEAN countries community like myself

 

[Viet]

ASEAN becomes key battleground for China-Japan rivalry


2013-11-02 09:45 (GMT+8)
http://www.wantchinatimes.com/news-subclass-cnt.aspx?cid=1701&MainCatID=17&id=20131102000008

Shinzo Abe at the 23rd ASEAN Summit in Brunei, Oct. 10. (Photo/Xinhua)

Since tensions flared up again between Japan and China over disputed islands in the East China Sea last summer, the confrontation has gradually shifted from the sea and aerial fronts to strategic rivalry, with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) emerging as a key battleground.

China's president, Xi Jinping, premier, Li Keqiang, and other top officials from the country have visited nine out of 10 ASEAN member states with the exception of the Philippines since early this year. Notably, Beijing and Manila have their own territorial contentions in the South China Sea.

Meanwhile in Japan, since Shinzo Abe reassumed the post of prime minister in December last year, he and his deputy Taro Aso, foreign minister Fumio Kishida and defense minister Itsunori Onodera have also visited eight ASEAN member states. Abe now plans to visit Laos and Cambodia in mid-December, completing the goal of visiting all ASEAN member states within a year of his inauguration.

Compared with Japanese prime minister Takeo Fukuda in the 1970s, who sought to improve relations with Southeast Asian nations through Official Development Assistance (ODA), Abe's diplomacy with regards to ASEAN seems to be predicated on the strategic goal of counterbalancing China.

Abe has stepped away from past administrations' strategy of coordination and reconciliation with China, and is inclined towards following in the steps of the United States' Asia-Pacific rebalancing strategy.

Japan is seeking to build a multilateral strategy cooperation net featuring the United States, Japan, South Korea, ASEAN, India and Australia through offering incentives such as economic cooperation which ostensibly aim at maintaining peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific region but are in fact intended to counterbalance China's growing influence.

In 2013, Japan and ASEAN member states carried out exchange projects in a wide range of fields, including political dialogue, economy, culture, youth and tourism.

Japan's direct investment in the ASEAN bloc topped US$10 billion during the first half of the year, and the country recently promised to provide Vietnam with US$540 million in loans for infrastructure development. It is also negotiating with Vietnam, Thailand and other parties on marine cooperation and has taken the initiative to say that it is willing to provide patrol boats to Vietnam and the Philippines, who both contest parts of the South China Sea with China.

However, if viewed from the perspective of geostrategy, history or practical interests, Japan does not enjoy an edge over China. The ASEAN nations attach importance to maintaining balanced relations with their more powerful neighbors, but they will not become a pawn in the strategy to contain China that easily.

China is actively taking part in a multiple cooperation system led by ASEAN and bilateral trade has topped US$400 billion annually and is expected to touch US$1 trillion by 2020. Beijing claims that its imports will hit US$10 trillion during the next five years, with outbound investment touching US$500 billion, and overseas trips by Chinese tourists topping 400 million visits.

Given these considerable business and trade opportunities and shared interests, the ASEAN nations are unlikely to overlook them in a hurry.

As China strengthens its trade and economic cooperation with ASEAN, it has also upgraded its relations to the "good neighbor, good friend and good partner" level with countries with whom it has territorial disputes in the South China Sea, such as Vietnam and Malaysia. Indonesia has also been afforded this status and has no territorial quarrel with China. These relations are expected to gradually move towards a comprehensive strategic cooperation partnership.

For ASEAN members, the Chinese leadership's calls for a "maritime Silk Road," the establishment of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and the promotion of a regional security and cooperation framework seem to have been more tangible and substantive than Japan's assistance measures.

The emergence of China is an undeniable fact and East Asian nations can only seek to strike a balance between threats and interests. The ASEAN nations may not believe Beijing's claims of not seeking hegemony, but they have at least cast away the "zero-sum" game that prevailed in the Cold War era and established a win-win and peaceful developmental pattern.

If Tokyo does not adjust its mindset and try to improve relations with Beijing, it will risk becoming even more alienated.

 

[Reashot Xigwin]

Misunderstanding the ‘Asean Way’
by bunn nagara

Forging ahead: Delegates attending a photo call at the 5th Asean–UN Summit as part of the 23rd Asean Summit in Brunei. Asean began as a highly improbable organisation but over time, Asean and its member nations have not only survived but prospered. — Bernama




The strength of Asean, or the effectiveness of its Secretariat, is only what its least willing member would allow it to be.

TOO often are standard arguments repeated at international conferences, particularly those of a regional strategic nature, regardless of whether those arguments are true or correct.

There is, for example, the one about Asean’s supposedly flaccid process of consensual decision-making. But even if a demonstrably better alternative exists, which critics typically fail to identify, what assurance is there that it will work better for South-East Asia?

The efficacy of decision-making systems varies from place to place, depending on local conditions. Several notable organisations besides Asean rely on consensus, among them the permanent membership of the UN Security Council.

If reaching decisions by consensus is good enough for a core UN body tasked with ensuring peace around the world, it should be good enough for Asean. And in terms of their respective founding purposes, Asean has worked even better than the Security Council.

Among the most urgent forms of policy decision-making is dispute resolution and settlement. In this region in particular, political anthropology acknowledges the special place of consensus building in the public interest.

In littoral South-East Asian states, the processes of musyawarah (consultation) and muafakat (consensus) are traditional norms. Their equivalents in South Pacific island culture are local group consultation and collective decision-making through consensus.

It comes as no surprise that these processes have evolved into today’s “Asean Way”. All of Asean’s original five members, and all but one (landlocked Laos) of its current 10 members, are littoral states.

Seeking and building consensus as a basis for collective decisions have strengths that are often overlooked, including by some Asean nationals. Others from outside the region are often better equipped to acknowledge those strengths.

This happened during a session on “Asean Community Building: The Road Ahead” in this year’s Asean-Australia-New Zealand (AANZ) Dialogue in Kuala Lumpur organised by ISIS Malaysia during the week.

A Vietnamese delegate belittled the Asean Way without reasoning why or offering any likely alternative. He said Asean must revise its work culture of establishing consensus among member nations.

He also argued that the Asean Secretariat had to be a policy coordinator rather than a mere “post office”. Those issues had been current in the 1990s when Vietnam joined Asean, but Asean had moved on since although still with some distance to go.

Some of the more thoughtful Australian and New Zealand delegates defended the Asean Way in terms of its achievements. Asean delegates could be as appreciative if they let themselves think through the issues first.

Asean’s achievements are not inconsiderable. It began by bringing together five neighbouring nations, neighbours with outstanding differences in cultures, ethnicities, histories, experiences, ideologies, political systems, territorial delineations and even perceived national interests.

Asean thus began as a highly improbable organisation, with some of its members like Malaysia having been given low chances of survival themselves by their past colonial masters. But over time, Asean and its member nations not only survived but prospered.

Asean has since doubled its membership to include all 10 countries in the region, adding to the differences of identity among members along the way. Not only has Asean survived and grown, it is also reaching further: from key treaties to a charter, it is now aiming for full community status by 2015.

None of these would have been possible without working through the Asean Way of mutual consultation and consensus. In a regional neighbourhood pockmarked with ideological divides, economic disparities, competing interests, mutual suspicions and (still) territorial disputes, the idea of Asean could well have floundered in 1967 without consultation and consensus.

There could easily not have been an Asean today, or ever. But how do other regional organisations currently compare with Asean?

Neither the African Union, the Gulf Cooperation Council, the Organisation of American States nor the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation matches Asean on comprehensiveness, inclusiveness or maturity. Meanwhile, others like Mercosur and the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation look to Asean for encouragement and inspiration.

For many years, Asean was said to be second only to the European Union in terms of success. But that was before the EU succumbed to its current economic difficulties.

Nonetheless, Asean cannot afford to be complacent or self-congratulatory. Its 45-year record is not without disappointments and frustrations. Self-criticism can be useful if it works to ensure self-improvement. Asean and its various undertakings can generally be better and more successful.

A balanced perspective on Asean, its role and its responsibilities remains in short supply. Neither unreservedly praising Asean’s virtues nor glossing over its imperfections is helpful to its cause.

At the same time, condemning some imagined flaw is no good either. But it happened in the same session on Asean Community Building, at least in the way an Indonesian delegate saw it.

She had observed that the target date for achieving full Asean Community status had been set back from January to December 2015, concluding that the delay signified a failure in Asean community building.

Unfortunately, nobody in that session mentioned that the date for establishing the Asean Community had been brought forward five years from 2020 to 2015. An 11-month delay is negligible compared to fast-tracking it by 60 months.

Nonetheless, even to imagine that establishing community status among sovereign nations anywhere can be pinpointed to a particular date is simply wrong-headed. It is a process that comprises several elements, among them developing social interfaces, institutional familiarisation, regulatory harmonisation and constant negotiation and adjustment across an entire region.

All that in practice means it would take time, patience and understanding. The reality, however, can be particularly challenging.

While policymakers and diplomats talk up the prospects of the timely arrival of the Asean Community, seeing that as reflective of their own performance, the business sector and civil society groups talk down its chances as a measure of their lost or deferred opportunities.

Serious analysts must therefore provide the correct antidote to both maladies by way of a realistic assessment. They need to avoid compounding either polarity by buckling under it.

Some priorities such as a more effective Asean Secretariat with more resources and a stronger mandate are undisputable. But such issues are often captive to a lack of political will.

A Philippine delegate asked emphatically whether Asean member nations really wanted a stronger Asean Secretariat. The implication was that the Secretariat, and the Asean Secretary-General, could only be as effective as Asean member nations wanted or allowed them to be.

Another implication is that any move to empower the Secretariat further could – for some Asean countries at least – challenge the position or status of one or more member countries.

Such apprehensions are not unique to Asean. They are common in regions where individual nations still experience insecurity, particularly in relation to their neighbours.

How Asean overcomes these apprehensions would be a measure of its maturity. Since Asean countries mature at different rates, when Asean would collectively forge ahead as a single Community remains an open question.



> Bunn Nagara is a Senior Fellow at the Institute of Strategic and International Studies (ISIS) Malaysia.

The views expressed are entirely the writer’s own.

Misunderstanding the ‘Asean Way’ - Behind The Headlines | The Star Online

 

[MarveL]

RI to host ASEAN + 8 humanitarian relief drill
The Jakarta Post, Jakarta | National | Thu, December 12 2013, 7:56 AM


Indonesia will host a joint military exercise for ASEAN member states and eight partner countries on the Batam Island on March 21 next year to increase the region’s capacity in humanitarian relief, Indonesian Navy chief of staff Adm. Marsetio said on Wednesday.

He said he hoped that the ASEAN member countries and the eight additional countries scheduled to participate, namely the US, South Korea, Australia, Russia, China, India, New Zealand and Japan, would attend.

“In March Indonesia will also hold the fourth Jakarta International Defense Dialogue themed “Building Maritime Collaboration for Security and Stability,” Marsetio said on the sidelines of the 2013 International Maritime Security Symposium at the Borobudur Hotel, Central Jakarta.

Marsetio underlined the great significance of maritime freedoms for the global good.

He noted that there is a necessity to facilitate humanitarian and disaster relief in times of need, especially for countries in the Ring of Fire.

“Through confidence-building efforts we will further enhance maritime cooperation and maintain regional peace and security,” Marsetio said.

Speaking at the Symposium, Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force (JMSDF) Chief of Staff Admiral Katsutoshi Kawano underlined that humanitarian assistance and disaster relief would be a major field for strengthening defense cooperation and exchange.

Kawano cited the concerted efforts by the international community in carrying out disaster relief operations after the 2011 great east Japan earthquake.

He noted that when ground infrastructure was damaged, it was up to the navy to offer sea-basing capabilities as a supply station hub and central command post.

“Smooth communication and high interoperability were the success factors,” he said.

Malaysia Navy Chief Admiral Tan Sri Abdul Aziz Jaafar said that ASEAN Navies will continue to play their roles in contri-buting to peace and stability in the region.

He underlined the greater need for exchanging information in enhancing Maritime Domain Awareness, or the effective understanding of anything associated with the maritime domain that could have an impact on security, the economy or the environment.

“A strong regional cooperative mechanism would allow for a greater flow of information,” Jaafar said.

He said that confidence-building measures, such as joint exercises, had been proven to be one of the most effective measures in promoting regional peace and stability.

“The Malacca Strait Patrol is a good example of a collaborative effort in conducting an operation at sea,” he said.

Jaafar noted that the ASEAN navies are making progress in adopting the ASEAN Information Sharing Portal and the ASEAN Maritime Security Information Sharing Exercise initiated by the Republic of Singapore Navy and the Indonesian Navy.

“I believe this open line communication should be enhanced to a personalized level, where communication is just a phone call away,” he said.

A similiar exercise was held in Brunei Darussalam last June, in which 18 Asia-Pacific countries participated in the four-day ASEAN Defense Minister’s Meeting-Plus Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief and Military Medicine Exercise.

More than 1,200 military personnel were involved in the exercise, held in the jungles of Borneo.

RI to host ASEAN 8 humanitarian relief drill | The Jakarta Post

--​

 

[MarveL]

A united region: The ASEAN Community 2015

Recent articles in these pages, especially discussion on education reform and its role in regional cooperation through the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) have given many Filipinos an idea of the challenges and prospects that ASEAN faces when the regional community is established in 2015. Even then, however, the reference to ASEAN was only through its economic pillar labeled as the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC). While this is welcome, a thorough dialogue on ASEAN and not only the AEC is needed. We provide a short overview of what ASEAN is and some of its challenges in this essay.

Bangkok, Thailand hosted on 8 August 1967 the Heads of State/Government of Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand, who established ASEAN through the ASEAN (Bangkok) Declaration. For these five Southeast Asian Leaders, the creation of ASEAN was the institutionalization of the ties that bound these nation-states. The five countries, aside from sharing geography, share the ties of history, culture and mutual interests, and similar challenges and problems. Given all of these, the Leaders (as heads of states/governments are called in ASEAN) found it fitting to coalesce and share in the responsibility of strengthening the economic and social stability of the region, hence the decision to institutionalize cooperation through the creation of a regional organization.

Later on, the founding members of ASEAN were joined by Brunei Darussalam on 7 January 1984, Vietnam on 28 July 1995, Lao PDR and Myanmar on 23 July 1997, and Cambodia on 30 April 1999. These ten member-states now comprise today’s ASEAN. Timor Leste has indicated its willingness to join the regional association but current members are still holding discussions on this.

In the early years of ASEAN, there was skepticism regarding its lifespan, more so if it would be able to achieve its aims and purposes spelled out in the Bangkok Declaration. Despite the challenges that faced the organization and the region as a whole, ASEAN, for all its flaws and limitations, remains as the sole regional organization in Southeast Asia that embodies the interests of the ten member-states. In 2007, the Association adopted a charter that codified regional norms and commitments made by the member-states. The commitment of the organization to keep its relevance, assert its centrality, and remain as the driver is clearly manifested by ASEAN’s continuing effort to integrate the region through the creation of a regional community by 2015.

It was during the 30th anniversary of ASEAN when the ten Heads of State/Government adopted the ASEAN Vision 2020. The ASEAN Vision 2020 agreed on “a shared vision of ASEAN as a concert of Southeast Asian nations, outward looking, living in peace, stability and prosperity, bonded together in partnership in dynamic development and in a community of caring societies.” Years later, after the adoption of the Vision, the Leaders, during the 9th ASEAN Summit in 2003, embarked on a grand goal to transform the organization into an ASEAN Community.

This Community, as embodied in the document Bali Concord II, is comprised of three pillars: Political-Security Community, Economic Community, and Socio-cultural Community. These three pillars are not mutually exclusive of each other; rather they are closely linked and are mutually reinforcing to ensure a durable, peaceful, stable and prosperous Southeast Asian region, at least according to the governments of each member-state. Each of these pillars is guided by a Blueprint which serves as one of the roadmaps in the realization of an ASEAN Community.

The ASEAN Community was originally envisioned by the Leaders to commence in 2020. However, during the 12th ASEAN Summit held in January 2007 in Cebu, Philippines, the Leaders decided to accelerate the regional integration to 2015. One of the primary reasons for the decision to fast track regional integration was to reinforce ASEAN’s centrality and to ensure that ASEAN remains as the driving force in drawing the continuously evolving regional architecture.

ASEAN Political-Security Community (APSC)

The ASEAN Political-Security Community is committed to ensuring an ASEAN Community living in a peaceful, democratic, and harmonious environment. Guided by the APSC Blueprint, the APSC designed ASEAN to be a rules-based Community of shared norms and values. In addition, it binds the member-states to share in the responsibility for comprehensive security in the realization of a cohesive and stable region in light of the continued dynamism of the world at large. The commitment to the APSC is in no way detrimental to each member state’s sovereign right to pursue an independent foreign policy and defense arrangement and, more importantly, the right to non-interference in each of the member-state’s internal affairs.

Since the creation of ASEAN in 1967, supporters of ASEAN have always boasted one major feat: that no war has erupted in this part of the world. This is not to say, however, that differences did not arise between and among the member-states on political-security issues, for there were differences and there are existing tensions within ASEAN regarding certain issues, but the member-states are intent and committed to solving any disputes through peaceful means. The body is also cognizant of the fact that the security of one member-state is linked to one another, hence the need to promote peace and security not only within ASEAN but to the larger stage in general. Thus, the existence of regional security dialogue fora such as the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), East Asia Summit (EAS), ASEAN Defense Minister Meeting (ADMM), among others, are clear manifestations that the body gives importance to dialogue to ensure peace. While critics say that these remain to be talk shops, these different platform afford the member-states the avenue to talk to one another and build trust and confidence with each other.

ASEAN Economic Community (AEC)

The end-goal of ASEAN economic integration is the full realization of an ASEAN Economic Community, wherein the region will be transformed “into a single market and production base, a highly competitive region, a region of equitable economic development, and a region fully integrated into the global economy.” The AEC has always been compared to that of the EU Single Market but it should be understood that AEC is not a customs union or a full common market. In the Philippines, it is the AEC that is almost always referenced in discussions regarding regional integration.

The decision to create the AEC was part of ASEAN’s strong commitment to deepen and broaden economic integration which requires liberalization and cooperation among the ten member-states. But even before AEC, as early as 1977, ASEAN had already laid down the groundwork for deeper integration. And in 1992, ASEAN created the Common Effective Preferential Tariff for the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA). Through the creation of AFTA, ASEAN member-states are geared towards the attainment of a common goal: that of reducing, eliminating tariffs on trade, with few exemptions, to better facilitate trade. Cutting down the cost of doing business effectively translates into a more competitive and efficient ASEAN.

The AEC can bank on ASEAN’s strengths such as the region’s strategic location, its vibrant population which is estimated at 600 million, abundant natural resources, young work force, among others. However, much work still needs to be done especially in closing the development gap between and among the member-states, i.e. ASEAN-6 and CLMV. ASEAN also needs to address the region’s poor state of infrastructure which hinders investment and the slow implementation of AEC commitments, to name a few.

ASEAN Socio-Cultural Community (ASCC)

The ASEAN Socio-Cultural Community gives ASEAN its human face as ASCC is committed to creating an ASEAN that is people-oriented and socially responsible. As ASEAN puts it, it is a “caring and sharing society” because at the end of the day, all actions undertaken by ASEAN are meant to uplift the lives of its peoples and for the betterment of the whole Community in general.

The ASCC will work to ensure that it is the people of ASEAN who will benefit from all of these integration initiatives. ASEAN member-states are expected to invest heavily on its people’s education, training, science and technology development, job generation, and social protection. If ASEAN is able to provide these to the people, cross-cutting issues such as poverty elimination, closing the development divide, equitable economic growth, among others, will be addressed as well.

The ASCC is expected to bring into the people’s consciousness the acceptance of a regional identity and graduate from being boxed in having a domestic identity. To be able to successfully do this, the people, should first and foremost, have national consciousness to be able to promote a regional one and a shared identity. For its part, ASEAN has heavily encouraged closer people-to-people contact by making travel easier through visa-free arrangements, educational exchanges, incorporating ASEAN studies in education curricula, among others. The initiative to create a regional identity, however, cannot be a purely governmental affair but should also start from the grassroots to gain better traction.

ASEAN Community in 2015

The year 2015 is a big year for ASEAN for the envisioned regional Community will finally materialize. But what will an ASEAN Community look like?

With regard to political-security, ASEAN will continue to be a rules-based Community especially with an ASEAN Charter in place. The member-states, as is the case right now, have promised to work more closely with one another in solving non-traditional security issues like maritime piracy, disaster management, transnational crimes, and the like. However, when it comes to traditional security issues, member-states may be hesitant to discuss some issues especially when these will impinge on their sovereignty and territorial integrity. ASEAN member-states highly value a peculiar brand of diplomacy – the ASEAN Way, hence, anything perceived to alter the status quo may not bode well for the bloc.

It is in the economic pillar where ASEAN cooperation has been widely touted to be successful. The Member-States find it easier to cooperate with one another vis-à-vis the two other pillars. As such, when the AEC commences in 2015, it can be expected that the economies will aggressively open up given that barriers to trade – both tariff and non-tariff will be eliminated. Economies will be liberalized to achieve the goal of ASEAN becoming a single market and production base.

On the socio-cultural front, we should hope for an ASEAN that is more in touch with its people. Initiative towards greater people engagement should happen and we should hope that the peoples of ASEAN will have vigorous contact with one another. The road to achieving a regional identity may be hard but only in investing heavily on people-to-people initiatives will this become a reality. Continuous contact will help the peoples of ASEAN understand one another and learn the peculiarities of each and everyone’s culture.

The creation of an ASEAN Community in 2015 is definitely one thing to look forward to. Integration may have birth pains in the beginning but at the end of the day, there are many opportunities that each member-state can take advantage of that will benefit the people of ASEAN.

A united region: The ASEAN Community 2015

A united region: The ASEAN Community 2015

Recent articles in these pages, especially discussion on education reform and its role in regional cooperation through the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) have given many Filipinos an idea of the challenges and prospects that ASEAN faces when the regional community is established in 2015. Even then, however, the reference to ASEAN was only through its economic pillar labeled as the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC). While this is welcome, a thorough dialogue on ASEAN and not only the AEC is needed. We provide a short overview of what ASEAN is and some of its challenges in this essay.

Bangkok, Thailand hosted on 8 August 1967 the Heads of State/Government of Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand, who established ASEAN through the ASEAN (Bangkok) Declaration. For these five Southeast Asian Leaders, the creation of ASEAN was the institutionalization of the ties that bound these nation-states. The five countries, aside from sharing geography, share the ties of history, culture and mutual interests, and similar challenges and problems. Given all of these, the Leaders (as heads of states/governments are called in ASEAN) found it fitting to coalesce and share in the responsibility of strengthening the economic and social stability of the region, hence the decision to institutionalize cooperation through the creation of a regional organization.

Later on, the founding members of ASEAN were joined by Brunei Darussalam on 7 January 1984, Vietnam on 28 July 1995, Lao PDR and Myanmar on 23 July 1997, and Cambodia on 30 April 1999. These ten member-states now comprise today’s ASEAN. Timor Leste has indicated its willingness to join the regional association but current members are still holding discussions on this.

In the early years of ASEAN, there was skepticism regarding its lifespan, more so if it would be able to achieve its aims and purposes spelled out in the Bangkok Declaration. Despite the challenges that faced the organization and the region as a whole, ASEAN, for all its flaws and limitations, remains as the sole regional organization in Southeast Asia that embodies the interests of the ten member-states. In 2007, the Association adopted a charter that codified regional norms and commitments made by the member-states. The commitment of the organization to keep its relevance, assert its centrality, and remain as the driver is clearly manifested by ASEAN’s continuing effort to integrate the region through the creation of a regional community by 2015.

It was during the 30th anniversary of ASEAN when the ten Heads of State/Government adopted the ASEAN Vision 2020. The ASEAN Vision 2020 agreed on “a shared vision of ASEAN as a concert of Southeast Asian nations, outward looking, living in peace, stability and prosperity, bonded together in partnership in dynamic development and in a community of caring societies.” Years later, after the adoption of the Vision, the Leaders, during the 9th ASEAN Summit in 2003, embarked on a grand goal to transform the organization into an ASEAN Community.

This Community, as embodied in the document Bali Concord II, is comprised of three pillars: Political-Security Community, Economic Community, and Socio-cultural Community. These three pillars are not mutually exclusive of each other; rather they are closely linked and are mutually reinforcing to ensure a durable, peaceful, stable and prosperous Southeast Asian region, at least according to the governments of each member-state. Each of these pillars is guided by a Blueprint which serves as one of the roadmaps in the realization of an ASEAN Community.

The ASEAN Community was originally envisioned by the Leaders to commence in 2020. However, during the 12th ASEAN Summit held in January 2007 in Cebu, Philippines, the Leaders decided to accelerate the regional integration to 2015. One of the primary reasons for the decision to fast track regional integration was to reinforce ASEAN’s centrality and to ensure that ASEAN remains as the driving force in drawing the continuously evolving regional architecture.

ASEAN Political-Security Community (APSC)

The ASEAN Political-Security Community is committed to ensuring an ASEAN Community living in a peaceful, democratic, and harmonious environment. Guided by the APSC Blueprint, the APSC designed ASEAN to be a rules-based Community of shared norms and values. In addition, it binds the member-states to share in the responsibility for comprehensive security in the realization of a cohesive and stable region in light of the continued dynamism of the world at large. The commitment to the APSC is in no way detrimental to each member state’s sovereign right to pursue an independent foreign policy and defense arrangement and, more importantly, the right to non-interference in each of the member-state’s internal affairs.

Since the creation of ASEAN in 1967, supporters of ASEAN have always boasted one major feat: that no war has erupted in this part of the world. This is not to say, however, that differences did not arise between and among the member-states on political-security issues, for there were differences and there are existing tensions within ASEAN regarding certain issues, but the member-states are intent and committed to solving any disputes through peaceful means. The body is also cognizant of the fact that the security of one member-state is linked to one another, hence the need to promote peace and security not only within ASEAN but to the larger stage in general. Thus, the existence of regional security dialogue fora such as the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), East Asia Summit (EAS), ASEAN Defense Minister Meeting (ADMM), among others, are clear manifestations that the body gives importance to dialogue to ensure peace. While critics say that these remain to be talk shops, these different platform afford the member-states the avenue to talk to one another and build trust and confidence with each other.

ASEAN Economic Community (AEC)

The end-goal of ASEAN economic integration is the full realization of an ASEAN Economic Community, wherein the region will be transformed “into a single market and production base, a highly competitive region, a region of equitable economic development, and a region fully integrated into the global economy.” The AEC has always been compared to that of the EU Single Market but it should be understood that AEC is not a customs union or a full common market. In the Philippines, it is the AEC that is almost always referenced in discussions regarding regional integration.

The decision to create the AEC was part of ASEAN’s strong commitment to deepen and broaden economic integration which requires liberalization and cooperation among the ten member-states. But even before AEC, as early as 1977, ASEAN had already laid down the groundwork for deeper integration. And in 1992, ASEAN created the Common Effective Preferential Tariff for the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA). Through the creation of AFTA, ASEAN member-states are geared towards the attainment of a common goal: that of reducing, eliminating tariffs on trade, with few exemptions, to better facilitate trade. Cutting down the cost of doing business effectively translates into a more competitive and efficient ASEAN.

The AEC can bank on ASEAN’s strengths such as the region’s strategic location, its vibrant population which is estimated at 600 million, abundant natural resources, young work force, among others. However, much work still needs to be done especially in closing the development gap between and among the member-states, i.e. ASEAN-6 and CLMV. ASEAN also needs to address the region’s poor state of infrastructure which hinders investment and the slow implementation of AEC commitments, to name a few.

ASEAN Socio-Cultural Community (ASCC)

The ASEAN Socio-Cultural Community gives ASEAN its human face as ASCC is committed to creating an ASEAN that is people-oriented and socially responsible. As ASEAN puts it, it is a “caring and sharing society” because at the end of the day, all actions undertaken by ASEAN are meant to uplift the lives of its peoples and for the betterment of the whole Community in general.

The ASCC will work to ensure that it is the people of ASEAN who will benefit from all of these integration initiatives. ASEAN member-states are expected to invest heavily on its people’s education, training, science and technology development, job generation, and social protection. If ASEAN is able to provide these to the people, cross-cutting issues such as poverty elimination, closing the development divide, equitable economic growth, among others, will be addressed as well.

The ASCC is expected to bring into the people’s consciousness the acceptance of a regional identity and graduate from being boxed in having a domestic identity. To be able to successfully do this, the people, should first and foremost, have national consciousness to be able to promote a regional one and a shared identity. For its part, ASEAN has heavily encouraged closer people-to-people contact by making travel easier through visa-free arrangements, educational exchanges, incorporating ASEAN studies in education curricula, among others. The initiative to create a regional identity, however, cannot be a purely governmental affair but should also start from the grassroots to gain better traction.

ASEAN Community in 2015

The year 2015 is a big year for ASEAN for the envisioned regional Community will finally materialize. But what will an ASEAN Community look like?

With regard to political-security, ASEAN will continue to be a rules-based Community especially with an ASEAN Charter in place. The member-states, as is the case right now, have promised to work more closely with one another in solving non-traditional security issues like maritime piracy, disaster management, transnational crimes, and the like. However, when it comes to traditional security issues, member-states may be hesitant to discuss some issues especially when these will impinge on their sovereignty and territorial integrity. ASEAN member-states highly value a peculiar brand of diplomacy – the ASEAN Way, hence, anything perceived to alter the status quo may not bode well for the bloc.

It is in the economic pillar where ASEAN cooperation has been widely touted to be successful. The Member-States find it easier to cooperate with one another vis-à-vis the two other pillars. As such, when the AEC commences in 2015, it can be expected that the economies will aggressively open up given that barriers to trade – both tariff and non-tariff will be eliminated. Economies will be liberalized to achieve the goal of ASEAN becoming a single market and production base.

On the socio-cultural front, we should hope for an ASEAN that is more in touch with its people. Initiative towards greater people engagement should happen and we should hope that the peoples of ASEAN will have vigorous contact with one another. The road to achieving a regional identity may be hard but only in investing heavily on people-to-people initiatives will this become a reality. Continuous contact will help the peoples of ASEAN understand one another and learn the peculiarities of each and everyone’s culture.

The creation of an ASEAN Community in 2015 is definitely one thing to look forward to. Integration may have birth pains in the beginning but at the end of the day, there are many opportunities that each member-state can take advantage of that will benefit the people of ASEAN.

A united region: The ASEAN Community 2015

 

[MarveL]

ASEAN Para Games 2014 opens in Naypyidaw

The opening ceremony for the 7th ASEAN Para Games – hosted in Burma for the first time ever – was held at Wunna Theikdi Stadium in Naypyidaw on Tuesday evening.

The regional sporting event, for athletes with disabilities, is being held to promote friendship, equality and unity among the participating ASEAN countries: Brunei, Burma, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam.

According to state media, 20,000 people attended the ceremony, which featured traditional Burmese music, dancing, a torchlight performance and fireworks.

A total of 1482 athletes with disabilities will fight for 339 gold medals, in competitions such as archery, athletics, boccia, blind chess, football, goal ball, power lifting, swimming, table tennis, sitting volleyball and wheelchair basketball.

The games will go on until 20 January.

 

[Wholegrain]

@Lux de Veritas

Southern Han Chinese and their relationship with the Baiyue | Page 14

I have all along suggest "y chromosome" genetist migration theory and anthropological theory could have need further reconciliation. I think I have made myself clear enough.

If you cite O3 Y chromosome, do it all the way, and conclusion is Chinese come from SE Asian, as most leading Y chromosome expert propose. So the similarity of Northern and Southern Chinese Y chromosome could be due to people from South moving North.

Y-Chromosome Evidence for a Northward Migration of Modern Humans into Eastern Asia during the Last Ice Age

Investigative Genetics | Full text | Inferring human history in East Asia from Y chromosomes

PLOS ONE: Human Migration through Bottlenecks from Southeast Asia into East Asia during Last Glacial Maximum Revealed by Y Chromosomes


IQ shows nothing about ancestry. Today, the high IQ centers of China are Shanghai, Guangdong, Taiwan and HK are all former barbarian land. The Yellow river plains and Xi-an, cradle of Han civilization are now low IQ, poor people receiving state aid.



This is a reasonable voice that we may move on from here.

It seems you have no damn idea what those scientific papers are talking about.

That migration happened in PREhistoric times, before there were ethnic groups even existing.

In the PREHISTORIC era during the last ice age, the Y Chromosome Haplogroup O did indeed originate in southeast asia. Then these Y chromosome haplogroup O bearers moved in a major migration from southeast asia all the way to northern China.

Then, the Y Chromosome O started mutating into subclades along the way of the migration. Those Y chromosome O people who moved to northern China became Y Chromosome O3a, those other Y chromosome O people in southern China and southeast asia also mutated during their migration, and became O1 or O2.

That was all in prehistoric times. Then in historical times, that means in recorded history, ethnic groups began to form. The Huaxia (Northern Han Chinese) ethnic group formed among Oa3 bearers in northern China, while Baiyue tribes formed among O2 and O1 peoples in southern China. Then, we have the recorded conquests of the Qin and Han dynasty conquering southern China, and the migrations of northern Han to southern China during the Han, Eastern Jin dynasty, Tang dynasty, and southern Song dynasty. Those Oa3 migrants displaced their O2 cousins that they left behind in southern China.

 

[Lux de Veritas]

@Lux de Veritas

Southern Han Chinese and their relationship with the Baiyue | Page 14



It seems you have no damn idea what those scientific papers are talking about.

That migration happened in PREhistoric times, before there were ethnic groups even existing.

In the PREHISTORIC era during the last ice age, the Y Chromosome Haplogroup O did indeed originate in southeast asia. Then these Y chromosome haplogroup O bearers moved in a major migration from soutisssheast asia all the way to northern China.

Then, the Y Chromosome O started mutating into subclades along the way of the migration. Those Y chromosome O people who moved to northern China became Y Chromosome O3a, those other Y chromosome O people in southern China and southeast asia also mutated during their migration, and became O1 or O2.

That was all in prehistoric times. Then in historical times, that means in recorded history, ethnic groups began to form. The Huaxia (Northern Han Chinese) ethnic group formed among Oa3 bearers in northern China, while Baiyue tribes formed among O2 and O1 peoples in southern China. Then, we have the recorded conquests of the Qin and Han dynasty conquering southern China, and the migrations of northern Han to southern China during the Han, Eastern Jin dynasty, Tang dynasty, and southern Song dynasty. Those Oa3 migrants displaced their O2 cousins that they left behind in southern China.

You think I am not aware? I have never dispute this stance-- and even suggested it, though not exactly similar to your positions, unfortunately, I got so much censure from PRC that I got sick of it. The PRCs here is a kinda source of entertainment.

And its better for you to moderate your tone in and try not to be too affirmative and misleading-- for my amusement with you guys.

 

[Martian2]

China should annex Myanmar | My comment on BusinessWeek

My comment on BusinessWeek (12 days ago).

I believe China should walk in the footsteps of John C. Calhoun and a young United States.

In fifteen years, the PLA Navy will be strong enough to hold its own against the US Navy. We are on the verge of China's Manifest Destiny. We will redraw the map of Asia in a manner similar to the redrawing of North America by America's original thirteen colonies.

----------

China’s Oil Pipeline Through Myanmar Brings Both Energy and Resentment | BusinessWeek

 

[Zero_wing]

You think I am not aware? I have never dispute this stance-- and even suggested it, though not exactly similar to your positions, unfortunately, I got so much censure from PRC that I got sick of it. The PRCs here is a kinda source of entertainment.

And its better for you to moderate your tone in and try not to be too affirmative and misleading-- for my amusement with you guys.

Again he's a typical chinese propagandist nothing more

 

[Reashot Xigwin]

Activists call for protection of LGBT rights in Southeast Asia at ASEAN People's Forum

The ASEAN SOGIE Caucus (ASC) calls on the ASEAN governments to place greater priority on the well-being and welfare of all peoples in its 10 member-states

22 March 2014 | By Sylvia Tan

Photo: facebook.com/aseansogie.caucus
LGBT rights activists attending the ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) Civil Society Conference/ ASEAN People’s Forum (ACSC/APF) in Yangon, Myanmar from 21 to 23 March 2014 are continuing to lobby its 10 member-states to promote and protect the rights of its LGBTIQ people.

The 10 member-states are: Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam.

The ACSC/APF is held ahead of the ASEAN Summit in May which will also be hosted by Myanmar, the Chair of ASEAN this year.

The ASEAN SOGIE (Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity/Expression) demand that laws that directly or indirectly criminalize LGBTI people be immediately repealed. It also calls for all individual national level human rights groups to include the promotion and protection of the equal rights of all people as well as to ensure equal access to health and social services regardless of their sexual orientation or gender identity.

Chumaporn Taengkliang, co-founder of Together for Equality Action Group (TEA) from Thailand said in a statement, 'Each country in the ASEAN has laws that discriminate based on sexual orientation and/or gender identity, contrary to their constitutions that guarantee fundamental rights and liberties for all. Meanwhile, state sanctioned violence continues unchecked. In such environments, we face barriers from fully enjoying our fundamental rights, accessing services, and living a fulfilling and meaningful life without fear, shame and guilt.'

Brunei, Singapore, Malaysia and Myanmar – all of which are former British colonies – criminalize gay sex. None of the 10 member-states recognize same-sex unions or marriage.

In an update posted on their website on Friday, the group noted that throughout the plenary sessions, 'the question of if and when the ASEAN Human Rights Declaration will include provisions protecting the rights of LGBTIQ people remained unanswered.'

The group also reported that when the idea of including LBTQ women’s issues alongside general women's issues was raised, the panel 'responded with consensus that LGBTIQ issues like are too contentious for the women’s movement to support on the ASEAN platform and should be pursued and raised by the individual groups.'

To follow updates from the ASEAN SOGIE Caucus, visit their blog.

- See more at: Activists call for protection of LGBT rights in Southeast Asia at ASEAN People's Forum | Gay Star News

Support the Yogyakarta Principles for more inclusiveness: The Yogyakarta Principles: The Application of International Human Rights Law in relation to Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity

 

[nufix]

I am personally have no problem with LGBT, but I hate to see them waving around their rainbow flags and banners around, they are more annoying than a vacuum salesman.

 

[Reashot Xigwin]

A Small Step Forward for ASEAN LGBT Rights
LGBT activists face a tough battle winning acceptance in Southeast Asia, but there are some modest signs of change.

By Kirsten Han
March 28, 2014

Image Credit: REUTERS/Romeo Ranoco

Photographs show Myo Min Htet and Tin Ko Ko clad in traditional Burmese garb, hands clasped as they walk down the aisle past smiling guests. They pour champagne over a stacked tower of glasses. Another photo shows Tin Ko Ko giving his partner a kiss on the cheek.

Although they still have no legal status as a married couple, the ceremony was Myanmar’s very first public gay wedding.

It’s a small step towards acceptance of the lesbian, gay, transgender, bisexual, intersex and questioning (LGBTIQ) community in Myanmar. It’s a trend that activists and advocates in the region want to encourage, but they’re not stopping there: they want recognition of sexual orientation, gender identity and gender expression throughout ASEAN too.

With 10 Southeast Asian countries represented, the ASEAN SOGIE Caucus is a network of human rights activists doing work related to issues of sexual orientation, gender identity and expression (SOGIE). They want SOGIE to be included in the ASEAN Human Rights Mechanism, thus affording legal protection to the LGBTIQ community.

It’s not going to be easy, and they know it. “Because of the ASEAN principles of non-interference and consensus decision-making, combined with the problematic emphasis on regional particularities, it is really an uphill climb for LGBTIQ activists in asserting SOGIE inclusion in the ASEAN,” writes Filipino activist Ging Cristobal in an email.

An infographic produced by the caucus highlights the laws in ASEAN countries that target and discriminate against LGBT people. For example, section 377 of the penal codes of Brunei, Malaysia, Myanmar and Singapore – a leftover from these countries’ history as British colonies – still outlaws sex between consenting male adults, and is often also known as the “sodomy law.” There are also laws prohibiting transgender people from changing their name and gender in Malaysia, Vietnam, Thailand and the Philippines. Media regulations mean that there is a dearth of the kind of LGBT characters and content that might improve social understanding and acceptance.

But it’s not just about laws. Violence and harassment in society can make life hellish for LGBTIQ people. A study carried out in Thailand last November found that one-third of 2,000 LGBT students had been physically harassed. A report by the International Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Commission found that 15 lesbians had been murdered in Thailand in the six years from 2006 to 2012. This, despite it being the only ASEAN country that supported the UN declaration of LGBT rights. Hate crime also occurs in the Philippines, despite studies reporting that it is among the most “gay-friendly” countries in the world.

Residents of ASEAN countries can be just as conservative as their legislators, if not more so. A webpage published by Singapore’s Health Promotion Board addressing questions on homosexuality and bisexuality ignited a firestorm of debate after conservative Christians both in and out of Parliament raised objections. They had taken exception to the webpage stating that homosexual relationships were “not that different” from heterosexual ones, saying that it was a signal to young Singaporeans that there was nothing wrong with homosexuality.

A Malay Studies professor at the National University of Singapore also attracted complaints after posting a Facebook note describing lesbianism as a “cancer” and a “social disease” that needed to be “cleansed.” The backlash led to the university affirming its commitment to respecting sexual orientation within the institution, yet worries remain about the voices of conservatives dominating the discussion on LGBT rights.

These situations show how strong the opposition to granting the LGBTIQ community equal rights and protection can be. With societies resistant to the idea of granting LGBTIQ equal rights and recognition, governments can often find easy excuses to oppose any change.

“SOGIE issues are deliberately being excluded within ASEAN,” Cristobal writes. “There have been directives from the governments of Malaysia, Brunei and Singapore to oppose any inclusion of SOGIE in any human rights instruments such as the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights and the recent declaration on the elimination of violence against woman and children.”

That’s not to say that there aren’t any encouraging developments. The Vietnamese government announced in 2012 that they were considering legalizing same-sex marriage. “It was a nice surprise. We expected to have this in 2015,” LGBT rights advocate Le Quang Binh told me in 2012. Although the government ultimately didn’t move forward, it did decriminalize same-sex weddings and now allows same-sex couples to live together.

The caucus was present at the ASEAN People’s Forum over three days in March, where it reached out to other advocacy groups and built alliances. “This way, we educate mainstream groups to see the relevance of SOGIE inclusion in all human rights works of the different sectors of society,” Cristobal explains.

In the run-up to the forum the group had launched the ‘We Are #ASEANtoo’ online campaign, encouraging supporters to post photographs of themselves asserting their inclusion in ASEAN. The campaign received the support of the deputy head of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR)’s Southeast Asian office, as well as the Indonesian representatives to the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights and the ASEAN Commission on the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Women and Children, among others.

But activists may not necessarily be as supportive as one might imagine. In a context where LGBTIQ issues are seen as highly controversial, some groups find the subject of SOGIE far too “contentious.” The caucus’ blog quoted Siriporn Skrobanek, a member of the ASEAN Women’s Caucus as saying, “We would like to include SOGIE, but as if ASEAN will consider LGBT in its considerations!”

Taking up such a battle is seen not just as a lost cause, but a potential danger: advocacy groups could lose whatever influence and support they currently enjoy in their country. SOGIE issues are therefore put on the backburner, and neglected.

This reluctance to include LGBTIQ people in the collective struggle makes the campaign even more difficult; how can activists make governments acknowledge the rights of LGBTIQ people when even other advocacy groups refuse to include them?

“We were concerned that the lack of protection and recognition of LGBTIQ persons in the ASEAN Human Rights Declaration would… leave them vulnerable to systematic violence and discrimination endorsed by the state,” the caucus wrote in a blog post summarizing some of their thoughts on the forum.

Until ASEAN officially recognizes and protects the rights of LGBTIQ people, activists will continue to struggle in their fight against discrimination and prejudice. But if Myo Min Htet and Tin Ko Ko’s joyful wedding has taught us anything, it is that change will come, slowly and surely, with or without official recognition.

Kirsten Han is a writer, videographer and photographer. Originally from Singapore, she has worked on documentary projects around Asia and written for publications including Waging Nonviolence, Asian Correspondent and The Huffington Post.

A Small Step Forward for ASEAN LGBT Rights | The Diplomat

 

[BoQ77]

News: Secretary of Defense Hagel, defense ministers discuss Asia-Pacific rebalance during first US hosted ASEAN defense forum
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Defense Media Activity – Hawaii News Bureau[/paste:font]

Story by Staff Sgt. Chris Hubenthal

Staff Sgt. Chris Hubenthal
U.S. Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel, Association of Southeast Asian Nations defense ministers, and military leadership observe an U.S. Marine Corps MV-22 Osprey flyover during the U.S. ASEAN Defense Forum at the USS Anchorage April 2, 2014, at Ford Island, Hawaii. ASEAN nations include Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam. (U.S. Air Force photo by Staff Sgt. Christopher Hubenthal)

JOINT BASE PEARL HARBOR-HICKAM, Hawaii - U.S. Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel hosted the first Association of Southeast Asian Nations Defense Forum to take place in the U.S. from April 1 to April 3 as part of a 10-day long trip across the Asia-Pacific region where Secretary Hagel will speak with ASEAN defense ministers.

The forum included a roundtable discussion at the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration Inouye Regional Center. The focus was on humanitarian and disaster relief, a matter of concern in the Asia-Pacific region.

“Humanitarian assistance and natural disasters are with us every day and will continue to be,” Secretary Hagel said. “The more we continue to understand the science behind those natural disasters the more we can communicate and coordinate our efforts to help each other.”

Rajiv Shah, U.S. Agency for International Development administrator joined the secretary in leading the ASEAN roundtable.

“Natural disasters have cost the world roughly 300 billion dollars and 30,000 lives in the last two tears alone,” Shah said. “This is a unique opportunity for us to learn together how we can be supportive of your efforts as defense ministers, often called in when times are toughest and expected to perform under conditions of little information and extreme crisis.”

The ASEAN contingent then toured the U.S. Navy amphibious transport dock USS Anchorage, the most decorated ship of its kind on the west coast that can launch versatile airframes like the U.S. Marine Corps MV-22 Osprey to disaster areas where others can't breach. After the tour Secretary Hagel spoke about the importance of the ASEAN collaboration and cooperation.

“The focus was on our efforts to bring our capabilities together as countries who share our futures, our interests, and our histories, in the Asia-Pacific region,” Secretary Hagel said. “We started the day focused on humanitarian assistance and disaster relief but we can do more, we will do more, we are doing more. I think there is ample evidence on how we can collaborate and cooperate.”

Secretary Hagel provided examples of ASEAN collaboration including the response to the disappearance of Malaysian Airlines Flight 370. He also pointed to the collective response by the ASEAN countries to last Falls destruction caused by Typhoon Haiyan in the Philippines.

“In both cases, nations in the region were able to set aside rivalries and differences and instead work together,” Secretary Hagel said. “At the same time, both cases underscore the reality that nations must engage in more practical security cooperation ahead of time in order to work together more effectively when challenges arise.”

Secretary Hagel emphasized that the forum underscores the need for Asia Pacific nations to work together in providing regional security as well as bringing aid and relief to countries affected by natural disasters.


Read more: http://www.dvidshub.net/news/123877...sean-defense-forum#.Uz1D685IXgE#ixzz2xoz9Eeoe

 

[Reashot Xigwin]

ASEAN's 'Dhaka committee'
Senior Correspondent, bdnews24.com

Published: 2014-04-03 09:43:09.0 BdST Updated: 2014-04-03 11:51:08.0 BdST


The ten-nation ASEAN formally launched a “Dhaka Committee” on Wednesday to herald a new era in its relationship with Bangladesh.


Dhaka sees it as a rare move by the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) because such committees are usually formed in countries that are its dialogue partners.

The Committee formally started its journey on Wednesday at a reception joined by ministers, politicians, diplomats, businessmen, and officials of the foreign ministry.

Malaysian High Commissioner Norlin Othman has been made the Chair of the ‘Dhaka Committee’.

All ASEAN countries, except Cambodia and Laos, have missions in Dhaka.

Though Bangladesh is not yet a dialogue partner of the ASEAN, its secretariat has already approved the 'Dhaka Committee'.

Foreign ministry officials in Dhaka feel this is probably a prelude to making Bangladesh a dialogue partner of the ASEAN, which is one of Asia's economic powerhouse.

Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, Myanmar, Philippines, Thailand, Vietnam, Singapore, Cambodia, and Laos are the members of the grouping that was formed in Aug 1967.

Analysts suggest Bangladesh should keep trying to become part of ASEAN.That, they say, would help Bangladesh access both technology and markets and boost its diplomatic clout.

As the ASEAN countries plan to open their markets to each other by 2015, joining it may be a boon for Bangladesh.

There are half a million workers from Bangladesh in the ASEAN countries and some like Malaysia are looking for more labour from Bangladesh, specially for its farms.

Bangladesh is at the crossroads of South and South-east Asia and also holds the key to the BCIM corridor that India and China intend to develop to connect the two Asian giants.
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