Syrian Lion
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^ again you saudis forgot your own people in the east
Ahwaz the arab spring's forgotten uprising news and discussion.
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BLACKEAGLE
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What about your Arab brothers in Arabistan? You proud Arab...
Arabian Knight
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you don't need to go that far. what about the people of Dar'a, Homs and Aleppo?.
Our Shias in the East enjoy better living standards than most Syrians under Bashar and most Iranians under the Mullahs .
Takaavar
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Now your comparing "uprising" in Khuzestan with situation in Saudi Arabia and Bahrain??
Living standards? Saudi Arabia?!!
When was the last time that one of your female family members drove a car?!
When was the last election (do you know what is it?) in your country?!
PressTV - 60% of Saudi citizens live below poverty line: Saudi daily
Arabian Legend
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Ahwazi Arab protest in London; 'Green movement' upset
Members of London's Ahwazi Arab community gathered outside Downing Street yesterday to protest against the recent executions of Arab political prisoners, but were met with hostility from supporters of the self-proclaimed 'opposition' Green movement.
Ahwazis voiced their support for the British government's call for UN Special Rapporteur on Iran Ahmed Shaheed to enter Iran and assess the human rights situation facing minority groups. A recent video statement by Ahwazi prisoners before they were hanged emphasised the importance of getting Ahmed Shaheed into the country.
The demonstration was opposed by supporters of the Green movement who were holding a simultaneous demonstration in support of Mir Hossein Musavi and Mehdi Karoubi, who are under house arrest. They complained to the police over the use of the Ahwazi flag, but no action was taken. However, Kurdish protesters who attended in support of the Green movement joined with the Ahwazis in solidarity.
Nasser Bani Assad, spokesperson for the British Ahwazi Friendship Society, said: "The Green movement, a faction of the Iranian regime, has failed to garner much interest among Ahwazi Arabs in Iran. The Green movement has not once condemned the executions of innocent Ahwazi Arabs who have.
"Not one month goes by without an Ahwazi Arab being murdered yet not one member of this fake opposition has raised a voice against the regime's anti-Arab execution campaign. Instead, their supporters abroad want to silence the Ahwazi voice on the streets of London.
"The Green movement is irrelevant because it refuses to address the marginalisation and persecution faced by ethnic and religious minorities. Its leaders are yesterday's men. Musavi himself is a cruel torturer and murderer. He is no democrat. He should stand on trial with the dictator Khamenei and others for crimes against humanity."
Members of London's Ahwazi Arab community gathered outside Downing Street yesterday to protest against the recent executions of Arab political prisoners, but were met with hostility from supporters of the self-proclaimed 'opposition' Green movement.
Ahwazis voiced their support for the British government's call for UN Special Rapporteur on Iran Ahmed Shaheed to enter Iran and assess the human rights situation facing minority groups. A recent video statement by Ahwazi prisoners before they were hanged emphasised the importance of getting Ahmed Shaheed into the country.
The demonstration was opposed by supporters of the Green movement who were holding a simultaneous demonstration in support of Mir Hossein Musavi and Mehdi Karoubi, who are under house arrest. They complained to the police over the use of the Ahwazi flag, but no action was taken. However, Kurdish protesters who attended in support of the Green movement joined with the Ahwazis in solidarity.
Nasser Bani Assad, spokesperson for the British Ahwazi Friendship Society, said: "The Green movement, a faction of the Iranian regime, has failed to garner much interest among Ahwazi Arabs in Iran. The Green movement has not once condemned the executions of innocent Ahwazi Arabs who have.
"Not one month goes by without an Ahwazi Arab being murdered yet not one member of this fake opposition has raised a voice against the regime's anti-Arab execution campaign. Instead, their supporters abroad want to silence the Ahwazi voice on the streets of London.
"The Green movement is irrelevant because it refuses to address the marginalisation and persecution faced by ethnic and religious minorities. Its leaders are yesterday's men. Musavi himself is a cruel torturer and murderer. He is no democrat. He should stand on trial with the dictator Khamenei and others for crimes against humanity."
Arabian Legend
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Ahwazi Refugees at risk in Iraq
The Iraqi governments decision to close the Al-Waleed refugee camp, which has the support of the UNHCR, will put the lives of Ahwazi Arab refugees in danger, warn Ahwazi Arab activists. Refugees are being moved back to areas they had fled due to a campaign of intimidation, harassment and murder by Iraqi militias associated with governing parties.
Following the invasion of Iraq by US-led forces in 2003, Ahwazi Arabs faced harassment and persecution by militias supported by or sympathetic to the Iranian regime. In 2003, the UNHCR estimated there were 6,700 Ahwazi refugees in Iraq, mainly in Dujaila and Kumiet. During the war, Ahwazi homes, crops and other property [were] confiscated by Iraqi militias. Most Ahwazi refugees have fled Iraq since the 2003 invasion.
Attempts to set up a UNHCR transit centre for 80 Ahwazi families in the outskirts of Basra were thwarted due to violent harassment. Ahwazi Arab refugees were expelled from camps in Basra and Amarah and children of Ahwazi Arab descent were expelled from Iraqi schools and universities by the post-Saddam regime. Persecution of Ahwazi refugees has been accompanied by a series of murders of Ahwazidissidents in Iraq by death squads. The Al-Waleed refugee camp was created near the border with Syria close to the Al-Tanf crossing in 2006, after Palestinian, Ahwazi Arab and Kurdish refugees were displaced by the militias. However, the Syrian authorities have refused them entry or asylum. Many Palestinian and Kurdish refugees were able to leave the camp some with the assistance of the UNHCR but at least 90 Ahwazi Arabs remained there in large part because, unlike Palestinians and Kurds, the Ahwazi community lacks a significant international lobbying force or a safe place for resettlement.
Camp conditions were poor with a lack of education, healthcare and no access to sanitation or clean water.
The Iraqi government is, however, relocating the refugees back to areas they fled in the aftermath of the war, including Basra where Ahwazi refugees have been detained and threatened with deportation an action that would represent a violation of international law.
There is no possibility of a safe return to Iran, particularly given the fact that many were given asylum by the Iraqi government during the 1980s at a time when it was hostile to Iran, an ally of Western governments and sympathetic to the Ahwazi cause.
Iraq is a state party to both the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and to the Convention against Torture (CAT), treaties which prohibit the forcible return of anyone to a country where they would be at risk of torture or other ill-treatment.
The Iraqi governments decision to close the Al-Waleed refugee camp, which has the support of the UNHCR, will put the lives of Ahwazi Arab refugees in danger, warn Ahwazi Arab activists. Refugees are being moved back to areas they had fled due to a campaign of intimidation, harassment and murder by Iraqi militias associated with governing parties.
Following the invasion of Iraq by US-led forces in 2003, Ahwazi Arabs faced harassment and persecution by militias supported by or sympathetic to the Iranian regime. In 2003, the UNHCR estimated there were 6,700 Ahwazi refugees in Iraq, mainly in Dujaila and Kumiet. During the war, Ahwazi homes, crops and other property [were] confiscated by Iraqi militias. Most Ahwazi refugees have fled Iraq since the 2003 invasion.
Attempts to set up a UNHCR transit centre for 80 Ahwazi families in the outskirts of Basra were thwarted due to violent harassment. Ahwazi Arab refugees were expelled from camps in Basra and Amarah and children of Ahwazi Arab descent were expelled from Iraqi schools and universities by the post-Saddam regime. Persecution of Ahwazi refugees has been accompanied by a series of murders of Ahwazidissidents in Iraq by death squads. The Al-Waleed refugee camp was created near the border with Syria close to the Al-Tanf crossing in 2006, after Palestinian, Ahwazi Arab and Kurdish refugees were displaced by the militias. However, the Syrian authorities have refused them entry or asylum. Many Palestinian and Kurdish refugees were able to leave the camp some with the assistance of the UNHCR but at least 90 Ahwazi Arabs remained there in large part because, unlike Palestinians and Kurds, the Ahwazi community lacks a significant international lobbying force or a safe place for resettlement.
Camp conditions were poor with a lack of education, healthcare and no access to sanitation or clean water.
The Iraqi government is, however, relocating the refugees back to areas they fled in the aftermath of the war, including Basra where Ahwazi refugees have been detained and threatened with deportation an action that would represent a violation of international law.
There is no possibility of a safe return to Iran, particularly given the fact that many were given asylum by the Iraqi government during the 1980s at a time when it was hostile to Iran, an ally of Western governments and sympathetic to the Ahwazi cause.
Iraq is a state party to both the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and to the Convention against Torture (CAT), treaties which prohibit the forcible return of anyone to a country where they would be at risk of torture or other ill-treatment.
Serpentine
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Well well well,what am I seeing here?
Arabs big mouthing about Iranians and Iran's territories?The last Arab who tried to capture Iranian land,the glorious Saddam Hussein,was kicked in the arse and at last was found in a rat hole and hanged by his own people.
I am from Khouzestan province,my parents are from city of Abadan in Khouzestan, and I lived in city of Ahvaz for years.But your level of ignorance really makes me laugh.Believe me,you would be surprised how much all those brave people of Khouzestan love their country and how much they hate Saudi regime and other Arab puppet states with those fat sheikhs.Those people (Arab ones) are the best kinds of Arabs in the region,the bravest and the kindest,unlike their counterparts in other Arab regimes of ME.
In the city of Ahvaz itself,the majority of people speak Persian and in smaller towns,Arabic is preferred.
Instead of spreading your hallucinations here,just go and pray the eastern oil rich regions of Arabia do not gain their independence with Iran's help,otherwise,Saudi Arabia without oil...oh God,that's gonna be so much fun,we are gonna watch Arabs following their real history and origins in the deserts...with the camels.Then you should say goodbye to all of this:
Arabs big mouthing about Iranians and Iran's territories?The last Arab who tried to capture Iranian land,the glorious Saddam Hussein,was kicked in the arse and at last was found in a rat hole and hanged by his own people.
I am from Khouzestan province,my parents are from city of Abadan in Khouzestan, and I lived in city of Ahvaz for years.But your level of ignorance really makes me laugh.Believe me,you would be surprised how much all those brave people of Khouzestan love their country and how much they hate Saudi regime and other Arab puppet states with those fat sheikhs.Those people (Arab ones) are the best kinds of Arabs in the region,the bravest and the kindest,unlike their counterparts in other Arab regimes of ME.
In the city of Ahvaz itself,the majority of people speak Persian and in smaller towns,Arabic is preferred.
Instead of spreading your hallucinations here,just go and pray the eastern oil rich regions of Arabia do not gain their independence with Iran's help,otherwise,Saudi Arabia without oil...oh God,that's gonna be so much fun,we are gonna watch Arabs following their real history and origins in the deserts...with the camels.Then you should say goodbye to all of this:
Arabian Legend
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Iran's Indian agent spied on London's Ahwazi Arabs
Ahmad Kazmi, an Indian journalist recently charged with conducting an Iranian-backed terrorist attack in Delhi,
spied on London's Ahwazi Arab community for three years, Ahwaz News Agency can reveal.
In his frequent visits to London he repeatedly met with a leader of the Democratic Solidarity Party of Al-Ahwaz (DSPA) who died in mysterious circumstances in early 2008. Some in the Ahwazi Arab community in London suspect that he may have had some role in the death.
Evidence compiled against Kazmi by the Indian security services suggests he was funded and instructed by Iranian intelligence and the Iranian Revolutionary Guards Corp (IRGC) and visited Iran to meet his minders on a regular basis. Following an extensive five month investigation, the Delhi police have compiled a charge sheet of over 550 pages against Kazmi who is accused of facilitating a bomb attack by Iranian regime agents on the car of the Israeli ambassador to Delhi.
The terrorist attack occurred alongside similar attacks in Georgia and Thailand; a recent terrorist attack on a group of Israeli tourists in Bulgaria was also blamed on the Iranian regime. The attacks are thought to be in retaliation for the assassinations of Iranian nuclear scientists, although some believe that these killings were the work of the regime itself.
Kazmi is accused of providing logistical support to named Iranian citizens responsible for placing a magnetic bomb on an Israeli diplomatic car, seriously injuring the wife of the embassy's defence attaché. The Delhi police claim that the IRGC oversaw the operation.
Immediately before the Delhi terrorist attack, Kazmi visited Syria twice on the invitation of the Assad regime and provided reports in Urdu confirming the regime's line. On his return to India just a week before the Delhi attack, Kazmi was briefly detained and questioned by Indian immigration officials who regarded his movements as suspicious.
Ahmad Kazmi with Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh
and Pakistani High Commissioner to India Shahid Malik
A well-travelled and highly educated man fluent in Urdu, Hindi, Farsi, Arabic and English, Kazmi was able to charm those he met and gain their trust. His soft-spoken and affable nature coupled with his intelligence also enabled him to win the trust of the upper echelons of India's political class and he even attended press conferences at the Israeli embassy. As such, he made an ideal candidate for intelligence gathering on behalf of the Iranian regime.
Kazmi was well versed in the art of diplomacy and trust building, although often lying about who his employers were. He would introduce himself to Ahwazi activists as a journalist from India's state-owned Doordashan TV, for which he worked as a correspondent covering the Iraq War. He did not reveal to Ahwazis he met that he had in fact left Doordashan to work for Iranian state-owned broadcaster Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB) and the Islamic Republic News Agency (IRNA) following the end of the Iraq War.
Arab governments were suspicious of the nature of Kazmi's activities. It has recently emerged that while he was
covering the Iraq War Kazmi visited Amman and was arrested by the Jordanian intelligence service, the Dairat al-Mukhabarat al-Ammah, who suspected him of spying, but he was released after interrogation. The Saddam regime had reportedly suspected him of being an American agent due to his accent in Arabic, which was mistaken for an American accent, and his line of questioning.
Did Kazmi have a role in Mansour Silawi's mysterious death?
Kazmi started infiltrating the Ahwazi community in 2005, soon after the April 2005 intifada. It also appears that Kazmi may have also been targeting the Iranian Kurdish community, particularly the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan.
Other than gaining information on opponents of the Iranian regime, it is unclear why a specialist in the Middle East and South Asia would make frequent and lengthy visits to London or how he funded these visits. His extensive questioning of Ahwazi activists never resulted in any article, indicating that his interest in the Ahwazi issue was not journalistic. Ahwazi activists refused his repeated requests for the names and contact details of activists in Al-Ahwaz. He said he wanted this highly sensitive information to conduct interviews in Iran on the plight of the Ahwazi Arabs, but there was a consensus that such sensitive information could end up being passed to the Iranian intelligence services.
Email from Kazmi enquiring on the succession to
Ahwazi leader Mansour Silawi al-Ahwazi
Kazmi's contact with the Ahwazi community ended abruptly after the sudden death of Ahwazi leader Mansour Silawi al-Ahwazi in March 2008. He had repeatedly visited Mansour, who suspected him of being an Iranian informant. Others involved in the Ahwazi cause also met Kazmi, who would take photos of them. In one case, he took photos of members of a family he had only just met, including children.
[Play YouTube video]
Kazmi's contact list, revealed in several emails to friends, includes senior members of Islamic groups in the UK, notably the Muslim Council of Britain, the Indian Muslim Federation, the Ahl-ul-bayt Islamic Centre, the British Muslim Institute, the Islamic Human Rights Commission (IHRC) and a senior imam at the Finchley Mosque. He was also in contact with figures within the Bahrain Freedom Movement, which is accused by the Bahraini government of being a front for the Iranian government.
An example of Kazmi's correspondence, revealing the email addresses
of those he was in contact with in London.
Email addresses have been redacted.
There is no proof that any of these organisations had any knowledge of Kazmi's activities, although the IHRC and the Ahl-ul-bayt Islamic Centre are linked to the Iranian regime.
The IHRC is a fake human rights organisation that has failed to criticise the abuse of the rights of Iran's minority ethnic and religious groups, including Sunnis. The group is actively campaigning for Kazmi's release, claiming that he is being persecuted for supporting the Palestinian cause, although his views are widely shared among Muslims and non-Muslims in India and therefore unremarkable. It is therefore highly unlikely that his views would prompt the Indian or Israeli governments to launch a terrorist attack on an Israeli diplomatic vehicle in order to frame Kazmi for a crime he did not commit.
Kazmi can be assured of an open trial by an independent judiciary in a democratic country and none of the charges he faces would result in execution if he is found guilty. Meanwhile, the Ahwazi Arab victims of the regime that employed him continue to face secretive trials without access to lawyers, convicted on trumped up charges of "enmity with God" for criticising the discrimination and persecution they face. Kazmi is fortunate to be born an Indian citizen and not a citizen of Iran.
Ahmad Kazmi, an Indian journalist recently charged with conducting an Iranian-backed terrorist attack in Delhi,
spied on London's Ahwazi Arab community for three years, Ahwaz News Agency can reveal.
In his frequent visits to London he repeatedly met with a leader of the Democratic Solidarity Party of Al-Ahwaz (DSPA) who died in mysterious circumstances in early 2008. Some in the Ahwazi Arab community in London suspect that he may have had some role in the death.
Evidence compiled against Kazmi by the Indian security services suggests he was funded and instructed by Iranian intelligence and the Iranian Revolutionary Guards Corp (IRGC) and visited Iran to meet his minders on a regular basis. Following an extensive five month investigation, the Delhi police have compiled a charge sheet of over 550 pages against Kazmi who is accused of facilitating a bomb attack by Iranian regime agents on the car of the Israeli ambassador to Delhi.
The terrorist attack occurred alongside similar attacks in Georgia and Thailand; a recent terrorist attack on a group of Israeli tourists in Bulgaria was also blamed on the Iranian regime. The attacks are thought to be in retaliation for the assassinations of Iranian nuclear scientists, although some believe that these killings were the work of the regime itself.
Kazmi is accused of providing logistical support to named Iranian citizens responsible for placing a magnetic bomb on an Israeli diplomatic car, seriously injuring the wife of the embassy's defence attaché. The Delhi police claim that the IRGC oversaw the operation.
Immediately before the Delhi terrorist attack, Kazmi visited Syria twice on the invitation of the Assad regime and provided reports in Urdu confirming the regime's line. On his return to India just a week before the Delhi attack, Kazmi was briefly detained and questioned by Indian immigration officials who regarded his movements as suspicious.
Ahmad Kazmi with Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh
and Pakistani High Commissioner to India Shahid Malik
A well-travelled and highly educated man fluent in Urdu, Hindi, Farsi, Arabic and English, Kazmi was able to charm those he met and gain their trust. His soft-spoken and affable nature coupled with his intelligence also enabled him to win the trust of the upper echelons of India's political class and he even attended press conferences at the Israeli embassy. As such, he made an ideal candidate for intelligence gathering on behalf of the Iranian regime.
Kazmi was well versed in the art of diplomacy and trust building, although often lying about who his employers were. He would introduce himself to Ahwazi activists as a journalist from India's state-owned Doordashan TV, for which he worked as a correspondent covering the Iraq War. He did not reveal to Ahwazis he met that he had in fact left Doordashan to work for Iranian state-owned broadcaster Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB) and the Islamic Republic News Agency (IRNA) following the end of the Iraq War.
Arab governments were suspicious of the nature of Kazmi's activities. It has recently emerged that while he was
covering the Iraq War Kazmi visited Amman and was arrested by the Jordanian intelligence service, the Dairat al-Mukhabarat al-Ammah, who suspected him of spying, but he was released after interrogation. The Saddam regime had reportedly suspected him of being an American agent due to his accent in Arabic, which was mistaken for an American accent, and his line of questioning.
Did Kazmi have a role in Mansour Silawi's mysterious death?
Kazmi started infiltrating the Ahwazi community in 2005, soon after the April 2005 intifada. It also appears that Kazmi may have also been targeting the Iranian Kurdish community, particularly the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan.
Other than gaining information on opponents of the Iranian regime, it is unclear why a specialist in the Middle East and South Asia would make frequent and lengthy visits to London or how he funded these visits. His extensive questioning of Ahwazi activists never resulted in any article, indicating that his interest in the Ahwazi issue was not journalistic. Ahwazi activists refused his repeated requests for the names and contact details of activists in Al-Ahwaz. He said he wanted this highly sensitive information to conduct interviews in Iran on the plight of the Ahwazi Arabs, but there was a consensus that such sensitive information could end up being passed to the Iranian intelligence services.
Email from Kazmi enquiring on the succession to
Ahwazi leader Mansour Silawi al-Ahwazi
Kazmi's contact with the Ahwazi community ended abruptly after the sudden death of Ahwazi leader Mansour Silawi al-Ahwazi in March 2008. He had repeatedly visited Mansour, who suspected him of being an Iranian informant. Others involved in the Ahwazi cause also met Kazmi, who would take photos of them. In one case, he took photos of members of a family he had only just met, including children.
[Play YouTube video]
Kazmi's contact list, revealed in several emails to friends, includes senior members of Islamic groups in the UK, notably the Muslim Council of Britain, the Indian Muslim Federation, the Ahl-ul-bayt Islamic Centre, the British Muslim Institute, the Islamic Human Rights Commission (IHRC) and a senior imam at the Finchley Mosque. He was also in contact with figures within the Bahrain Freedom Movement, which is accused by the Bahraini government of being a front for the Iranian government.
An example of Kazmi's correspondence, revealing the email addresses
of those he was in contact with in London.
Email addresses have been redacted.
There is no proof that any of these organisations had any knowledge of Kazmi's activities, although the IHRC and the Ahl-ul-bayt Islamic Centre are linked to the Iranian regime.
The IHRC is a fake human rights organisation that has failed to criticise the abuse of the rights of Iran's minority ethnic and religious groups, including Sunnis. The group is actively campaigning for Kazmi's release, claiming that he is being persecuted for supporting the Palestinian cause, although his views are widely shared among Muslims and non-Muslims in India and therefore unremarkable. It is therefore highly unlikely that his views would prompt the Indian or Israeli governments to launch a terrorist attack on an Israeli diplomatic vehicle in order to frame Kazmi for a crime he did not commit.
Kazmi can be assured of an open trial by an independent judiciary in a democratic country and none of the charges he faces would result in execution if he is found guilty. Meanwhile, the Ahwazi Arab victims of the regime that employed him continue to face secretive trials without access to lawyers, convicted on trumped up charges of "enmity with God" for criticising the discrimination and persecution they face. Kazmi is fortunate to be born an Indian citizen and not a citizen of Iran.
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