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57 refugees pushed back to Burma by BGB. WHYYYYY ??

What do you know about 71 war?

Have you seen the map?

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There was no bangladeshi soldiers fighting for Pak Army rather there was a mutiny and bengali troops were turning on their own West Pak officers and soldiers... Pak troops/officers and their families were butchered by them!
The sole Ordinance Factory in Ghazipur,East Pak was occupied by mutineering workers and the west Pak officers,workers and their families butchered..

It was a civil war that lasted almost an year... with indians being directly involved in the conflict since march 1970...

And the Pak : indian manpower ratio was 1:15

And only 1 sqd of Sabres in East wing that too thanks to US sanctions was struggling .. and yet they performed excellently against the indian airforce... apart from that indians still couldnt take the region with force... several sectors remained defiant and undefeated... only when the surrender was announced did they lay down the arms...

One such example was the Battle of Hilli:
Hilli-Bogra Sector: 205 Brigade: East Pakistan 1971 War
This is a Pakpotpourri Exclusive

By: Naveed Tajammal

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This short article is dedicated to the everlasting memory of the men of 205 Brigade[ Hilli-Bogra Sector] Pakistan Army, who fought & fell fighting the Indians in East Pakistan, in the 1971 war.
Of late much has been written on the subject of the fall of Dacca,a grave misconception exists that Pakistan Army buckled under the Indian Invasion without putting up a fight,Hence it is to clear this, that this article has been written.
My father after remaining in Command of 54 Brigade in Sialkot for two years was in October 1971 posted to GHQ as the Director Staff Duties, a much coveted post in those days,In early November 1971 the War was imminent,new units were being raised and hectic preparations had started for an all out War with India,my father was never a chair-borne soldier and hated the uniformed babu’s,so he requested the CGS [Chief of General Staff] that he be given a command of a Brigade,in view of the looming war,CGS showed his helplessness,and said, that it was beyond his powers to do so,however the Chief of Staff could, should he so wished too,my father put in a request to seek a personal interview,which was arranged.General Hamid told my father that there was No vacancy on the Western Front however should he volunteer to go to East Pakistan,it was possible,as most of the officers being posted to East Pakistan were reporting sick or using their contacts to get their postings cancelled,and there was a queue of officers in East Pakistan awaiting to be sent back to West Pakistan,my father without any hesitation said he would like to volunteer to go to East Pakistan,shortly after the interview my father received a call from the staff officer to the Military Secretary [MS] that he was being posted to East Pakistan on his request,and his formal posting orders were being typed.
On 17th November 1971,my father reached Dacca,on 18th Nov,General Nazar hussain his new GOC [General Officer Commanding] 16 Division who was visiting the Corps HQ at Dacca took him to Bogra in his helicopter,soon after the same day General Niazi too arrived in Bogra as he was visiting all the new units which had been flown in from West Pakistan,and given their new locations,and met my father,who was to take over the 205 brigade,on 19th November my father started his first official visit of the units under his new command,but by mid-day orders from Corps HQ had been received that a helicopter was on its way to collect my father back to Dacca,he reached late in evening and met the COS eastern command Brig.Baqar Siddique and inquired the reason of his recall,who informed him that Commander Eastern Command,Would like to see him urgently,as he had some other task in mind which he wanted to entrust my father with.So my father went over to the Flag Staff House and met General Niazi,and asked him,why he had been called back,General Niazi told my father that they had intelligence reports that India was launching its offensive Tomorrow i.e 20th November,and so i have called you back to remain in reserve for some other operational task,my father told him,’Sir after having an interview with the Chief of Staff I have come as a volunteer to Command a fighting brigade and if Not required I be sent back forthwith to West Pakistan or be allowed to take command of the Brigade allotted to myself.General Niazi in his usual style remarked ‘Shera,I know you well, I wanted you for some other important Task,but If india does not attack tonight you can go back to Bogra and take over your command tomorrow morning,next day my father met General Niazi and reminded him of his words,so immediately a helicopter was put at my fathers disposal to take him to Bogra,it was around Mid-Day 20th November 1971 that my father took command of his 205 Brigade officially.The purpose of these dates and conversations given above was inform the reader that,what a short time my father had to prepare his units and plan his defences,on the same day he visited 4 FF forward defences ,at Hilli ,and subsequently other units of his command i.e 8 Balluch and 13 FF.
On the night 23/24 November 1971,20 Mountain Indian Division launched its first attack on my fathers Brigade positions.
It would be pertinent to note that under the command of Major-General.Lachhman Singh,who was the opposing Commander,fighting my fathers 205 Brigade,had Four indian Infantry Brigades 202,165,66 &340,one armoured brigade [3rd armour brigade] one engineer Brigade[471] and the 20 Mountain Division artillery augmented by 33 Corps reserves beside the 6 BSF[Indian border security forces] and Mukhti-Bahini battalions.
The ratio of manpower needs no further elaboration,General.Lachhman Singh writes in his book ‘Indian Sword Strikes in East Pakistan’-page 34,”On the other hand most of the senior officers took no risk and surrendered as soon as a threat developed to their Head Quarters or to their lives.Brigadier Tajammul was the sole exception,He showed fanatical will to fight,even at the cost of his life…..on page 143 of his book,General Lachhman states,..”by about 0830 hrs 16 December 1971,Commanding Officer 80 Field Regiment ,Brigade-Major 205 Brigade,GSO-3,and 50 jawans of the Brigade Head Quarter surrendered to our troops.TheBrigade Major gave information that their Brigade Commander with his Orderly and a couple of Officers had decided to break out of encircled Bogra fortress,and join one of their Brigade units at Naogoan’.However He was caught by mukhti-Bahini a few kilo-meters outside Bogra….He was in uniform with his badges of ranks and mukhti-bahini realized that he was a important man-He was badly beaten with his wrists broken along with fingers and his head was bandaged,when on 17 December 1971 he was brought before me.”
General Sukhwant Singh commenting on the performance of 205 Brigade wrote in his book,”The Liberation of Bangladesh” new dehli 1979.”It was the only battle Indian Army fought to reduce the Pakistani fortress in the entire Bangladesh operation,This operation demonstrated to the indians the futility of attacking Pakistani Fortresses…”
General Niazi commenting on the performance of 205 Brigade,has this to say in his book,’The Betrayal Of East Pakistan’ oxford press.1998-page 140;”…One Pakistani Brigade crippled 20 Mountain Division which was backed by tremendous Artillery and Air fire power,20 Division consisted of 5 brigades and one tank brigade,six BSF and the mukhti-bahini forces,they were supported by divisional and corps artillery,and they had complete Air Supremacy,with No Pakistani aircraft to counter them,our positions were attacked by indian aircraft several times a day,Indian General Sukhwant singh admits that five of Lieut-General Thapan’s brigades were laying Siege to the Hilli Fortress”.
And lastly General Niazi adds in his book,page-145,with reference to the war performance of my father,that,”Brigadier.Tajammal Hussain Malik,had volunteered to fight in East Pakistan,I wanted to keep him for the Defence of Dacca,but he insisted on going to a front-line brigade.He was sent to 205 brigade under General Nazar.I had full faith in him as a good commander and a brave leader.He had proved his mettle in the 1965 War.He displayed the qualities of a true soldier of Islam and gave the toughest battle to the Indians.I Recommended him for the award of ,”Nishan e Haider”,but GHQ ignored him and his Heroic deeds as many chair-bound soldiers and sycophants had to be catered for.I insisted on his promotion to Major-General as some people were afraid of him,because of his unflinching faith in Islam.He was promoted and became the only Brigadier from East Pakistan to attain this rank’.



Maj Gen (Retd) Tajammal Hussain Malik
Brigade Commander of 205 Pakistani Brigade deployed at Hilli and Bogra
INTERVIEW BY Major Agha H Amin (Retd)-SEPTEMBER 2001 Regarding the 1971 War and specially Battle of Hilli


“In the first week of Jan 1948, we landed at Chittagong by the sea route. I stayed in East Pakistan up till June 1950. It was a wonderful experience. The East Pakistanis treated us with love and affection. I had developed great liking for those people. I wish those feeling had continued but it was our own fault. We treated them as Negroes were treated in the United States of America. We considered East Pakistan as our colony. We had to pay dearly for our follies twenty-five years later.

From 1947 up till 1958, Pakistan Army was a small Army but highly competent and dedicated to the profession. We had very simple living but took pride in the profession and being men in uniform. Therefore, all its efforts were concentrated on professional training and loyalty to the Constitutional Government. However, after the proclamation of Martial Law in 1958, its priorities changed. Martial law changes the very outlook of a soldier towards his profession or his duty to the state. Loyalty to Ayub Khan and the ruling junta was given the top priority whereas training in the Army and its obligation to the State were relegated to the second position. Our senior officers started indulging in accumulation of wealth and building palatial houses. The higher leadership was mostly incompetent. Thus the seed for the disintegration of Pakistan was sown. And after about ten years or so it resulted in the break-up of Pakistan in the 1971 war. Had we not lived under martial law from 1958 onwards and remained a professional army, as in the past, I have no doubt that we would have decisively defeated the Indian Army both in 1965 and 71 wars.

In 1948, my unit 3rd Baluch was in East Pakistan. Then Major General Ayub Khan was the local Log Area Commander. Another unit of that formation was a battalion of the Frontier Force Regiment, perhaps the 8th FF Regiment. That was the total force under the Command of General Ayub. He very frequently used to visit the combined Unit Officers Mess and informally spend the evenings with the officers like our Commanding Officer. One day during informal conversation he said, “Before partition anyone who had a bit of brain preferred to join the services. They either got commission in the Army or joined Class One Civil Services. Only junk was left behind.

In fact, one of the main reason why democracy could not take roots in Pakistan was that the Army had started indulging in Politics in the very early stages of its creation. The first Martial Law was proclaimed at Lahore in 1953. And the first constitutional government of Khawaja Nazim ud Din was dismissed by Governor General Ghulam Mohammad in 1954 with the connivance of General Ayub Khan, then C-in-C Pakistan Army.”


Major Agha H Amin (Retd):
You volunteered for service in the East Pakistan when many people already thought that it had been lost. What were your reasons for doing so?

“In Oct / Nov 1971, I was holding the appointment of Director Staff Duties at GS Branch, General Headquarters. I used to see reports of at least 30 to 40 own troops being killed everyday. One got the impression that if that state of affairs continued, East Pakistan would slip into Indian hands. I am a devoted Muslim and I became very emotional. I sent a personal letter to Brigadier Baqar Saddiqi, Chief of Staff Eastern Command, who was an old friend, saying we would not let East Pakistan become Spain in the History of Islam. In those days, officers posted to East Pakistan often used to remain on “Sick Report” or got themselves admitted in Hospitals. The MS had to issue a letter throughout the Army saying that in future posting to East Pakistan would not be cancelled on the grounds of admission in hospitals. The officer would have to move to East Pakistan even on stretcher and if it was a genuine case he would be admitted in hospital in Dacca.

Regardless of the prevailing situation I asked for interview with General Hameed, then Chief of the Army Staff and requested him for posting to East Pakistan for command of a Brigade. He highly appreciated my volunteering for service in East Pakistan and in a few hours my posting order was issued by the Military Secretary to take over the command of 205 Brigade at Bogra.”

Major Agha H Amin (Retd):
Please tell us something about your experiences as a Brigade Commander in the East Pakistan in 1971?


The battle of Hilli Bogra sector in 1971 war can rightfully be regarded as a classic example of defence in the history of warfare. Against my one brigade, Indians had deployed four infantry brigades i.e 202 Brigade, 66 Brigade, 165 Brigade and 340 Brigade, one armoured bridge i.e 3 Armoured Brigade, 471 Engineer Brigade and two artillery brigades augmented by 33 Corps Artillery, yet when the war ended on 16th September, the battle was still going on in the streets of Bogra. The Indians could not succeed in breaking through that sector till the very end. The Indian General, Major General Lachman Singh in his book, “The Indian Sword Strikes in East Pakistan” described this battle in detail. He has devoted at least two chapters on it. After the war the Indians had sent a team of experts to study the battle on the ground and determine reasons why such a heavy force as described above could not break through that sector till the end.


Major Agha H Amin (Retd),
You have stated in your book that atrocities were committed by many units / individuals in East Pakistan. You have also stated that you tried to curb these. What was the extent / magnitude of the alleged atrocities vis-a-vis alleged atrocities committed by the Mukti Bahini ?


I took over the command of 205 Brigade on 17th of November 1971 and about 4 days later the Indians had started the attack on our positions. During the period of my command, on one occasion, it was reported to me that one of my units 8 Baluch had captured about 8 civilians. The brigade headquarter was informed for their disposal. I was told that as a routine all such persons who were captured were to be shot without any investigation. I passed orders that in future no such shooting would take place unless I had seen them myself. When I visited the unit, they produced them before me. As I was meeting them, one of them fainted. The CO of that unit said, he is malingering. On further inquiry I found out that they were not in fact ‘muktis’ but were the local people working in the fields, grazing cattle. I ordered that they be released.

I learnt through many other officers that during the earlier operations against the Mukti Bahinis thousands of innocent people were killed.

In one of my defensive position at Santahar, large number of people were massacred. General Tikka Khan & Lieutenant General Jahanzeb Arbab had earned their reputation of being Butchers of East Pakistan. So were many other Brigadiers and Generals. Mukti Bahinis too, may also have done so in retaliation but it was very negligible as compared to the atrocities committed by the West Pakistani troops against the East Pakistanis. Despite the fact what we had done to them, I personally found the local people very sympathetic towards us. In fact after the war, when I was moving from Bogra to Naogaon to link up with 13 FF of my brigade, I and a team of another officer with 17 other ranks were captured by Mukti Bahinis and the locals who not only saved our life but put bandages on the wounds I had sustained during the process of my capture.

Major Agha H Amin (Retd),
How would you sum up the root cause of the failure in East Pakistan from the pure military point of view?


We had enough resources in way of equipment and manpower to continue the war at least for six months. There was absolutely no justification for surrender. It was, perhaps, the guilt conscious weighing heavy on the minds of the Commanders, who had committed atrocities during the cleaning up operations. Had General Niazi and his team of Generals and Brigadiers decided to stand and fight, the Indian Army would never have succeeded in reaching even the fringes of Dacca. Even in the Hamood ur Rahman Commission it has been brought out that there was no justification for surrender. I do not consider it necessary to go into further details. For, it will become very lengthy.

Major Agha H Amin (Retd):
We understand that you refused to surrender in East Pakistan. Please tell in detail what you felt about the whole issue.


Hilli Bogra sector was the only sector where Indians used an Armoured Brigade. For, in December the terrain represented the plains of Punjab. As I said before in this sector the Indians used 4 Infantry Brigade, one Armoured Brigade, one Engineer Brigade, one Mukti Brigade and yet could not break through this sector to the end and when the war ended the fighting was still going on in the streets of Bogra. The Battle of Hilli Bogra received the maximum publicity through the world media. I was mentally attuned to resist the Indians in the same manner as I had done on Wagha Sector in 1965 War. I could not conceive of surrender. On 15th and 16th December, when Bogra was surrounded from all sides, I was moving about in the battle area in my jeep, with the flag and stars uncovered, and announcing on the loud speaker, “We shall fight from the rooftops, the windows and in the streets but we shall not surrender.”

I was inspiring them with the Quranic Ayat that a Muslim soldier does not surrender on the battlefield. Anyone who turns his back will go to hell. I could see that almost everyone whom I addressed was prepared to die. They responded to my speech with slogans of Allah Ho Akbar. It was most thrilling scene. These words, which I have uttered, were later confirmed in the Indian Books published after the war. Some of the excerpts I would like to quote here. General Palit, in his book, “The Lightening Campaign” had said, “In Hilli Bogra sector the Pakistani troops fought for every inch of ground.”

Dr Monkakar in his book “Pakistan cut to size” had said, “the Battle of Hilli was the toughest battle of Indo-Pak War”, General Aurora, GOC-in-C Indian Eastern Command, in his interview with the Illustrated Weekly of India, published in 1973 had said, “The battle of Bhaduria (which was fought within Hilli Bogra sector) was the bloodiest battle fought in East Pakistan”.

General Lachman Singh in his Book, “The Indian sword strikes in East Pakistan” described the battle in this sector in great detail. He was a brave general, who had the courage to praise his opponents. He admired my fighting capabilities and went to the extent of saying, “Most of the senior officers preferred to surrender as soon as a threat developed to their Headquarters or their lives. Brigadier Tajammal was the only exception in my sector. He showed fanatical will to fight even at the cost of his life. I was happy to take him prisoner. I was glad to learn that he was the first senior officer to be promoted by the Pakistanis out of those who had surrendered in Bangladesh.

He almost wrote my ACR, wherein he said, “when in all other sectors, Pakistani troops were laying down arms, a group of officers and JCOs came to him and advised him to surrender. He refused to do so. He was no doubt a very brave and capable commander. He was in fact, prepared to die rather than surrender on the battlefield. His troops followed his example and resisted till the end.”

In fact he said much more than what I have said. I have only given a brief gist of it. Imbued with such a spirit how could I possibly think of surrender. The examples of Muslim commanders in the history of Islam who had fought against overwhelming Christian armies were ringing in my ears. At that critical moment those examples became a source of strength for me to continue to fight till the end.

Major Agha H Amin (Retd):
Was the failure in East Pakistan related to Niazi’s incompetence or also to the Pakistani GHQ’s poor initial planning and assessments which dated to the period before the 1971 war broke out?


General Niazi had a brave record of service. In the past, whether during the Second World War as a company commander or in the 1965 War as a Brigade Commander, he had fought for mundane gains as a mercenary soldier.He is not the type who was guided by spiritual or moral convictions. In East Pakistan had he decided to stand and fight, he would have created example of bravery and dedication to the cause of Islam surpassing many Muslim commanders of the past.

He would have been compared favourably with Musa Bin Ghasam who had refused to surrender in the last Battle of Granada (Spain), wherein at the time King Abdullah and his cabinet were laying down arms against the enemy forces of King Fernandez and Queen Isabella, he mounted his horse, drew his sword and broke through the enemy lines who had surrounded the palace. In this process he was so heavily wounded that his dead body was found on the riverbank about 20 miles away. I do not entirely blame him. Most of the senior Brigadiers and General Officers at that time were brought up in mercenary traditions and they were fighting for mundane gains. At the time when final surrender took place on 16th December, there were about 4 other Generals, one Admiral and about 30 Brigadiers. They could have forced him not to surrender, had anyone of them had the courage to do so.

In all armies of the world, it is the inherent right of a soldier to refuse to lay down arms on the battlefield. Field Marshal Manstein in his book, “The Lost Victories” had said “No General can vindicate his loss of a battle by claiming that he was compelled against his better judgement to execute an order that led to defeat. In this case the only course open to him is that of disobedience for which he is answerable with his head. Success will usually decide whether he was right or not.

Source: https://defence.pk/threads/the-batt...pakistani-bde-commander.143866/#ixzz4QmsqbbJQ


TAJAMMUL HUSSAIN MALIKS EPIC STAND AT HILLI 1971 DESCRIBED BY HIS INDIAN OPPONENTS
The Battle of Hilli or the Battle of Bogra was a major battle fought in the Indo-Pakistani War of 1971 and Bangladesh Liberation War. It is generally regarded as the most pitched battle that took place in East Pakistan, now Bangladesh. The battle of Hilli took place between 23 November 1971 and 11 December 1971,though the final surrender took place on 18 December, 1971.
The main objective of the Indian Army was to control Bogra, thereby cutting off Pakistan forces in the north from the rest of East Pakistan. The best way of getting to Bogra was through Hilli. The frontal assault on the Pakistan fortifications took a huge toll on both sides - the Indian Army suffering the greater number of casualties - before Indian forces finally broke through by establishing a block in the read of Pakistani forces in Hilli, upon which the 4FF Battalion in Hilli was withdrew for the defence of Bogra.The Indian side consisted of the 20 Indian Mountain Division led by Maj-Gen. Lachhman Singh. The constituent units of this division were 66 Brigade, 165 Brigade, 202 Brigade and 340 Brigade (all infantry units), 3 Armoured Brigade, 471 Engineer Brigade and two artillery brigades augmented by 33 Corps Artillery. The ground troops were aided by aerial support provided by the Indian Air Force which had acquired air superiority in the east and were armed with rockets, guns and 100 lb bombs.

On the Pakistan side, the Area of Responsibility (AOR) was on 205 Brigade of Pakistan Army led by Brigadier(later retired as Major General) Tajammul Hussain Malik. He had joined the brigade 4 days ago, when he volunteered to leave GHQ, Rawalpindi and command troops in the East Pakistan. He put up a stiff resistance that earned praise from many quarters.He had placed screens along the railway line nearby and at the Railway Station complex in the area. The defensive positions were sited in depth to cover all routes leading into East Pakistan.

They fought the entire Indian division and the Mukti Bahini soldiers till the Indians decided to bypass Hilli and establish a block in its rear. Brig. Malik then withdrew the forces in Hilli to avoid being cut off and to defend for the Bogra itself. Bogra was surrounded from all sides by the greater numbers of the Indian army and the Mukti Bahini.

Brig. Malik's resistance continued even after the Pakistani Eastern Command surrendered in Dacca on 16 December. He, in his staff car with flags and stars uncovered went around the streets of Bogra motivating his soldiers to keep fighting. The Indian army had by then, surrounded the city of Bogra. The Brigade Major along with some 50 ORs surrendered but the Brigadier still full of vigour refused to give up. Brig. Malik ordered the rest of his brigade to break out in small groups to Naogong, where one of his units was still fighting on. However en-route, his jeep was ambused, severely injuring him and his orderly. Muktis captured both of them and subjected them to torture. They broke his arms and split his head after which he was taken semi-conscious to an Indian army hospital. Major General Nazar Hussain Shah, was especially flown in from Natore for the surrender of this brigade on 18 December 1971, due to the refusal of Brigadier Malik. Upon return from captivity, he was the only brigadier out of 32 or so who fought the 1971 War in East Pakistan to have been promoted to Major General rank.The battle was a significant one as it involved great personal valour on both sides. This is highlighted by the fact that soldiers on either side won their nation's highest military honours. This battle was also unique in that it had started before the official start of the India Pakistan war but continued right until the formal surrender of Pakistan. Unlike other battles in the East where the Indian army dominated, Pakistan forces gave a very good account of themselves before the combined might of the Indian military managed to occupy the area. The Indians were so impressed by General Tajammul Hussain Malik’s fighting tactics that after the war the Indians had sent a team of experts to study the battle on the ground and determine reasons why such a heavy force as described above could not break through that sector till the end.



Source: https://defence.pk/threads/the-batt...pakistani-bde-commander.143866/#ixzz4QmsyQXuK


A heroic 1971 battle remembered
FROM THE NEWSPAPER — PUBLISHED Nov 27, 2015 06:59am
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EVEN though we lost East Pakistan, the people of Pakistan must be told that the Battle of Hilli fought between Pakistani and Indian forces over 25 days in 1971 is a golden chapter of our history. Outnumbered in men and material, Pakistani troops fought a heroic battle. Many foreign institutions have adopted this battle for teaching.

The battle began when the Indians attacked our position on the night between Nov 22/23 at 0130 hours.

The Indian attack was led by 20th Mountain Division, commanded by Maj. Gen. Lachman Singh. It consisted of four brigades, plus direct support from their 30 Corp besides Mukti Bahini militia and elements of East Pakistan Rifles who had switched sides and others. Within half an hour of the Indian attack, spearheaded by 8 Guards, they had suffered 97 dead.

The Pakistani side consisted of 4 Frontier Force, having just six field guns, part of the 80 Field Regiment artillery, commanded by Major Anwar Khan, three old tanks, commanded by Lt. Sher Jan Tajik (SJ), two jeep-mounted anti-tank recoiless rifles, besides 51 policemen from West Pakistan and local volunteers.

The enemy continued to attack with the aim of breaking through to the Bogra-Rangpur road to break 16th Division in two parts, but 4 FF didn’t allow them and kept them engaged till the end of the war.

Maj Mohammad Akram fell in battle and was awarded Nishan-i-Haider. Many others were also awarded for gallantry. 4 FF lost 150 and about the same number wounded. I was among those who went into Indian territory to look for Major Akram’s body. He had gone inside the territory to hunt for tanks and acted beyond the call of duty.

Brig. M. Mumtaz Malik, SJ, SI, took over command when informed that Lt Col (later Brigadier) M. A. Abbasi was wounded, Major Anwar was killed and many others wounded in a daylight attack by two of our companies. This attack was ordered by Brig Tajammul Hussain Malik under adverse circumstances because there was no air support and we were facing a much larger enemy force.

This battle is known as the Battle of Hilli, and Brig Mumtaz, now retired, must be considered an authority. Any one writing a book on this battle must consult him.

Major (r) Mian Muzaffar Gul

Peshawar



Rohingyas are ethnically bengalis... so yes they dont really care about their own kin.

Pak has 200% more rohingya refugees than bangladesh..
I really do not know much about this conflict. Why would the Bengalis not want to save their own kin? I hear the argument that these Rohingyas are being pushed to Bangladesh so the Burmaese can call them illegals if they ever try get back, but even that is good enough reason to not save their own kin, by refusing them entry into Bangladesh.
Again, I am no expert.
 
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I don't believe. What was the Al-Shams, Al-Badr then? these bangloos were the main proponents of this two-nation theory thing. surely some sided with Pakistan during the civil war. Also why did Pakistan army want to disarm banglo troops during operatin searchlight

Bengalis.. they werent armed neither were they paramilitary troops nor soldiers...

No bangali troops were disarmed... had they been disarmed ... there werent have had been massacres of Pak troops and their families... the massacre of West Pak and their families at than the East Pak Rifles HQ,Jessore in April... Infact they didnt massacre Pak troops and their families in Jessore rather all and any West Pak civilians they found there...

Jessore Massacre:

The truth about the Jessore massacre

The massacre may have been genocide, but it wasn’t committed by the Pakistan army. The dead men were non-Bengali residents of Jessore, butchered in broad daylight by Bengali nationalists, reports Sarmila Bose

The bodies lie strewn on the ground. All are adult men, in civilian clothes. A uniformed man with a rifle slung on his back is seen on the right. A smattering of onlookers stand around, a few appear to be working, perhaps to remove the bodies.


The caption of the photo is just as grim as its content: ‘April 2, 1971: Genocide by the Pakistan Occupation Force at Jessore.’ It is in a book printed by Bangladeshis trying to commemorate the victims of their liberation war.

It is a familiar scene. There are many grisly photographs of dead bodies from 1971, published in books, newspapers and websites.

Reading another book on the 1971 war, there was that photograph again — taken from a slightly different angle, but the bodies and the scene of the massacre were the same. But wait a minute! The caption here reads: ‘The bodies of businessmen murdered by rebels in Jessore city.’

The alternative caption is in The East Pakistan Tragedy, by L.F. Rushbrook Williams, written in 1971 before the independence of Bangladesh. Rushbrook Williams is strongly in favour of the Pakistan government and highly critical of the Awami League. However, he was a fellow of All Souls College, Oxford, had served in academia and government in India, and with the BBC and The Times. There was no reason to think he would willfully mislabel a photo of a massacre.

And so, in a bitter war where so many bodies had remained unclaimed, here is a set of murdered men whose bodies are claimed by both sides of the conflict! Who were these men? And who killed them?

It turns out that the massacre in Jessore may have been genocide, but it wasn’t committed by the Pakistan army. The dead men were non-Bengali residents of Jessore, butchered in broad daylight by Bengali nationalists.

It is but one incident, but illustrative of the emerging reality that the conflict in 1971 in East Pakistan was a lot messier than most have been led to believe. Pakistan’s military regime did try to crush the Bengali rebellion by force, and many Bengalis did die for the cause of Bangladesh’s independence. Yet, not every allegation hurled against the Pakistan army was true, while many crimes committed in the name of Bengali nationalism remain concealed.


Once one took a second look, some of the Jessore bodies are dressed in salwar kameez — an indication that they were either West Pakistanis or ‘Biharis’, the non-Bengali East Pakistanis who had migrated from northern India.

As accounts from the involved parties — Pakistan, Bangladesh and India — tend to be highly partisan, it was best to search for foreign eye witnesses, if any. My search took me to newspaper archives from 35 years ago. The New York Times carried the photo on April 3, 1971, captioned: ‘East Pakistani civilians, said to have been slain by government soldiers, lie in Jessore square before burial.’ The Washington Post carried it too, right under its masthead: ‘The bodies of civilians who East Pakistani sources said were massacred by the Pakistani army lie in the streets of Jessore.’ “East Pakistani sources said”, and without further investigation, these august newspapers printed the photo.

In fact, if the Americans had read The Times of London of April 2 and Sunday Times of April 4 or talked to their British colleagues, they would have had a better idea of what was happening in Jessore. In a front-page lead article on April 2 entitled ‘Mass Slaughter of Punjabis in East Bengal,’ The Times war correspondent Nicholas Tomalin wrote an eye-witness account of how he and a team from the BBC programme Panorama saw Bengali troops and civilians march 11 Punjabi civilians to the market place in Jessore where they were then massacred. “Before we were forced to leave by threatening supporters of Shaikh Mujib,” wrote Tomalin, “we saw another 40 Punjabi “spies” being taken towards the killing ground…”

Tomalin followed up on April 4 in Sunday Times with a detailed description of the “mid-day murder” of Punjabis by Bengalis, along with two photos — one of the Punjabi civilians with their hands bound at the Jessore headquarters of the East Pakistan Rifles (a Bengal formation which had mutinied and was fighting on the side of the rebels), and another of their dead bodies lying in the square. He wrote how the Bengali perpetrators tried to deceive them and threatened them, forcing them to leave. As other accounts also testify, the Bengali “irregulars” were the only ones in central Jessore that day, as the Pakistan government forces had retired to their cantonment.

Though the military action had started in Dhaka on March 25 night, most of East Pakistan was still out of the government’s control. Like many other places, “local followers of Sheikh Mujib were in control” in Jessore at that time. Many foreign media reported the killings and counter-killings unleashed by the bloody civil war, in which the army tried to crush the Bengali rebels and Bengali nationalists murdered non-Bengali civilians.

Tomalin records the local Bengalis’ claim that the government soldiers had been shooting earlier and he was shown other bodies of people allegedly killed by army firing. But the massacre of the Punjabi civilians by Bengalis was an event he witnessed himself. Tomalin was killed while covering the Yom Kippur war of 1973, but his eye-witness accounts solve the mystery of the bodies of Jessore.


There were, of course, genuine Bengali civilian victims of the Pakistan army during 1971. Chandhan Sur and his infant son were killed on March 26 along with a dozen other men in Shankharipara, a Hindu area in Dhaka. The surviving members of the Sur family and other residents of Shankharipara recounted to me the dreadful events of that day. Amar, the elder son of the dead man, gave me a photo of his father and brother’s bodies, which he said he had come upon at a Calcutta studio while a refugee in India. The photo shows a man’s body lying on his back, clad in a lungi, with the infant near his feet.

Amar Sur’s anguish about the death of his father and brother (he lost a sister in another shooting incident) at the hands of the Pakistan army is matched by his bitterness about their plight in independent Bangladesh. They may be the children of a ‘shaheed,’ but their home was declared ‘vested property’ by the Bangladesh government, he said, in spite of documents showing that it belonged to his father. Even the Awami League — support for whom had cost this Hindu locality so many lives in 1971 — did nothing to redress this when they formed the government.

In the book 1971: documents on crimes against humanity committed by Pakistan army and their agents in Bangladesh during 1971, published by the Liberation War Museum, Dhaka, I came across the same photo of the Sur father and son’s dead bodies. It is printed twice, one a close-up of the child only, with the caption: ‘Innocent women were raped and then killed along with their children by the barbarous Pakistan Army’. Foreigners might just have mistaken the ‘lungi’ worn by Sur for a ‘saree’, but surely Bangladeshis can tell a man in a ‘lungi’ when they see one! And why present the same ‘body’ twice?

The contradictory claims on the photos of the dead of 1971 reveal in part the difficulty of recording a messy war, but also illustrate vividly what happens when political motives corrupt the cause of justice and humanity. The political need to spin a neat story of Pakistani attackers and Bengali victims made the Bengali perpetrators of the massacre of Punjabi civilians in Jessore conceal their crime and blame the army. The New York Times and The Washington Post “bought” that story too. The media’s reputation is salvaged in this case by the even-handed eye-witness reports of Tomalin in The Times and Sunday Times.

As for the hapless Chandhan Sur and his infant son, the political temptation to smear the enemy to the maximum by accusing him of raping and killing women led to Bangladeshi nationalists denying their own martyrs their rightful recognition. In both cases, the true victims —Punjabis and Bengalis, Hindus and Muslims — were cast aside, their suffering hijacked, by political motivations of others that victimised them a second time around

http://www.telegraph...ory_5969733.asp


Operation Searchlight started in March... do the match...

I really do not know much about this conflict. Why would the Bengalis not want to save their own kin? I hear the argument that these Rohingyas are being pushed to Bangladesh so the Burmaese can call them illegals if they ever try get back, but even that is good enough reason to not save their own kin, by refusing them entry into Bangladesh.
Again, I am no expert.

Arakan was a muslim state ruled by Muslim Sultans from modern day Pak region... the people were bengali muslims... after its annexation and subsequent japanese invasion... they rohingyas sided with the British to fight or spy on the japs.. they were persecuted...

Some crossed the border into modern day bangladesh and came back after the war only to be declared as non natives... in short ... first they were persecuted by buddhist kings... later japs and after the war burmese govt.
 
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Bengalis.. they werent armed neither were they paramilitary troops nor soldiers...

No bangali troops were disarmed... had they been disarmed ... there werent have had been massacres of Pak troops and their families... the massacre of West Pak and their families at than the East Pak Rifles HQ,Jessore in April... Infact they didnt massacre Pak troops and their families in Jessore rather all and any West Pak civilians they found there...

Jessore Massacre:

The truth about the Jessore massacre

The massacre may have been genocide, but it wasn’t committed by the Pakistan army. The dead men were non-Bengali residents of Jessore, butchered in broad daylight by Bengali nationalists, reports Sarmila Bose

The bodies lie strewn on the ground. All are adult men, in civilian clothes. A uniformed man with a rifle slung on his back is seen on the right. A smattering of onlookers stand around, a few appear to be working, perhaps to remove the bodies.


The caption of the photo is just as grim as its content: ‘April 2, 1971: Genocide by the Pakistan Occupation Force at Jessore.’ It is in a book printed by Bangladeshis trying to commemorate the victims of their liberation war.

It is a familiar scene. There are many grisly photographs of dead bodies from 1971, published in books, newspapers and websites.

Reading another book on the 1971 war, there was that photograph again — taken from a slightly different angle, but the bodies and the scene of the massacre were the same. But wait a minute! The caption here reads: ‘The bodies of businessmen murdered by rebels in Jessore city.’

The alternative caption is in The East Pakistan Tragedy, by L.F. Rushbrook Williams, written in 1971 before the independence of Bangladesh. Rushbrook Williams is strongly in favour of the Pakistan government and highly critical of the Awami League. However, he was a fellow of All Souls College, Oxford, had served in academia and government in India, and with the BBC and The Times. There was no reason to think he would willfully mislabel a photo of a massacre.

And so, in a bitter war where so many bodies had remained unclaimed, here is a set of murdered men whose bodies are claimed by both sides of the conflict! Who were these men? And who killed them?

It turns out that the massacre in Jessore may have been genocide, but it wasn’t committed by the Pakistan army. The dead men were non-Bengali residents of Jessore, butchered in broad daylight by Bengali nationalists.

It is but one incident, but illustrative of the emerging reality that the conflict in 1971 in East Pakistan was a lot messier than most have been led to believe. Pakistan’s military regime did try to crush the Bengali rebellion by force, and many Bengalis did die for the cause of Bangladesh’s independence. Yet, not every allegation hurled against the Pakistan army was true, while many crimes committed in the name of Bengali nationalism remain concealed.


Once one took a second look, some of the Jessore bodies are dressed in salwar kameez — an indication that they were either West Pakistanis or ‘Biharis’, the non-Bengali East Pakistanis who had migrated from northern India.

As accounts from the involved parties — Pakistan, Bangladesh and India — tend to be highly partisan, it was best to search for foreign eye witnesses, if any. My search took me to newspaper archives from 35 years ago. The New York Times carried the photo on April 3, 1971, captioned: ‘East Pakistani civilians, said to have been slain by government soldiers, lie in Jessore square before burial.’ The Washington Post carried it too, right under its masthead: ‘The bodies of civilians who East Pakistani sources said were massacred by the Pakistani army lie in the streets of Jessore.’ “East Pakistani sources said”, and without further investigation, these august newspapers printed the photo.

In fact, if the Americans had read The Times of London of April 2 and Sunday Times of April 4 or talked to their British colleagues, they would have had a better idea of what was happening in Jessore. In a front-page lead article on April 2 entitled ‘Mass Slaughter of Punjabis in East Bengal,’ The Times war correspondent Nicholas Tomalin wrote an eye-witness account of how he and a team from the BBC programme Panorama saw Bengali troops and civilians march 11 Punjabi civilians to the market place in Jessore where they were then massacred. “Before we were forced to leave by threatening supporters of Shaikh Mujib,” wrote Tomalin, “we saw another 40 Punjabi “spies” being taken towards the killing ground…”

Tomalin followed up on April 4 in Sunday Times with a detailed description of the “mid-day murder” of Punjabis by Bengalis, along with two photos — one of the Punjabi civilians with their hands bound at the Jessore headquarters of the East Pakistan Rifles (a Bengal formation which had mutinied and was fighting on the side of the rebels), and another of their dead bodies lying in the square. He wrote how the Bengali perpetrators tried to deceive them and threatened them, forcing them to leave. As other accounts also testify, the Bengali “irregulars” were the only ones in central Jessore that day, as the Pakistan government forces had retired to their cantonment.

Though the military action had started in Dhaka on March 25 night, most of East Pakistan was still out of the government’s control. Like many other places, “local followers of Sheikh Mujib were in control” in Jessore at that time. Many foreign media reported the killings and counter-killings unleashed by the bloody civil war, in which the army tried to crush the Bengali rebels and Bengali nationalists murdered non-Bengali civilians.

Tomalin records the local Bengalis’ claim that the government soldiers had been shooting earlier and he was shown other bodies of people allegedly killed by army firing. But the massacre of the Punjabi civilians by Bengalis was an event he witnessed himself. Tomalin was killed while covering the Yom Kippur war of 1973, but his eye-witness accounts solve the mystery of the bodies of Jessore.


There were, of course, genuine Bengali civilian victims of the Pakistan army during 1971. Chandhan Sur and his infant son were killed on March 26 along with a dozen other men in Shankharipara, a Hindu area in Dhaka. The surviving members of the Sur family and other residents of Shankharipara recounted to me the dreadful events of that day. Amar, the elder son of the dead man, gave me a photo of his father and brother’s bodies, which he said he had come upon at a Calcutta studio while a refugee in India. The photo shows a man’s body lying on his back, clad in a lungi, with the infant near his feet.

Amar Sur’s anguish about the death of his father and brother (he lost a sister in another shooting incident) at the hands of the Pakistan army is matched by his bitterness about their plight in independent Bangladesh. They may be the children of a ‘shaheed,’ but their home was declared ‘vested property’ by the Bangladesh government, he said, in spite of documents showing that it belonged to his father. Even the Awami League — support for whom had cost this Hindu locality so many lives in 1971 — did nothing to redress this when they formed the government.

In the book 1971: documents on crimes against humanity committed by Pakistan army and their agents in Bangladesh during 1971, published by the Liberation War Museum, Dhaka, I came across the same photo of the Sur father and son’s dead bodies. It is printed twice, one a close-up of the child only, with the caption: ‘Innocent women were raped and then killed along with their children by the barbarous Pakistan Army’. Foreigners might just have mistaken the ‘lungi’ worn by Sur for a ‘saree’, but surely Bangladeshis can tell a man in a ‘lungi’ when they see one! And why present the same ‘body’ twice?

The contradictory claims on the photos of the dead of 1971 reveal in part the difficulty of recording a messy war, but also illustrate vividly what happens when political motives corrupt the cause of justice and humanity. The political need to spin a neat story of Pakistani attackers and Bengali victims made the Bengali perpetrators of the massacre of Punjabi civilians in Jessore conceal their crime and blame the army. The New York Times and The Washington Post “bought” that story too. The media’s reputation is salvaged in this case by the even-handed eye-witness reports of Tomalin in The Times and Sunday Times.

As for the hapless Chandhan Sur and his infant son, the political temptation to smear the enemy to the maximum by accusing him of raping and killing women led to Bangladeshi nationalists denying their own martyrs their rightful recognition. In both cases, the true victims —Punjabis and Bengalis, Hindus and Muslims — were cast aside, their suffering hijacked, by political motivations of others that victimised them a second time around

http://www.telegraph...ory_5969733.asp


Operation Searchlight started in March... do the match...



Arakan was a muslim state ruled by Muslim Sultans from modern day Pak region... the people were bengali muslims... after its annexation and subsequent japanese invasion... they rohingyas sided with the japanese to fight or spy on the japs.. they were persecuted...

Some crossed the border into modern day bangladesh and came back after the war only to be declared as non natives... in short ... first they were persecuted by buddhist kings... later japs and after the war burmese govt.
Thanks my friend, i understand a little bit more now.
Bengalis need to do more to save their own kin. they should not send a single Rohingya back to Burma. Not until the atrocities stop.
 
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@Ottoman123 I suggest, read credible sources about Rohingyas instead of trusting internet trolls. Muslims have been living in Arakan for centuries. The Arab and Persian traders used to travel to China through Arakan, after arriving at the Chittagong port. It was during this time Islam came to this region. Later, Arakan fell under the suzerainty of the Bangla Sultanate in the 15th century and the number of Muslim population increased.

Arakan was always a separate kingdom from the rest of Burma (due to the Arakan hills acting as a natural barrier) before the Bamars invaded it in the late 18th century. During this invasion, the Buddhist Rakhines succumbed to the invading force (many even took refuge in Bangladesh which was then under the British rule) but the Rohingya Muslims showed fierce resistance (patronized by the British). The Rohingyas also sided with the British in the Anglo-Burmese wars and in the late 19th century, Burma was eventually annexed by the British.

After the WWII, the British granted independence to its former colonies and soon major riots erupted across South Asia along religious and ethnic lines. Arakan was no exception where the Muslim Rohingyas and Buddhist Rakhines indulged into deadly clashes. However, later the Burmese succeeded to appease nearly all the ethnic communities of Burma and officially formed the Union of Burma in 1948.

Problems began to emerge after General Ne Win's adoption of the new Burmese nationality laws in 1982 which restricted the Rohingyas to seek Burmese citizenship. Subsequently, the Rohingyas became subject to widespread persecution in the form of state-sponsored genocides as well as Islamophobic propaganda and the situation remains the same ever since.
 
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এদেশে কারাগারে পাঠালেও তো প্রাণে বাঁচবো
http://www.facebd.net/newsdetail/detail/200/260477


260477_1.jpg
23 Nov, 2016

বাংলাদেশের দক্ষিণ সীমান্তের প্রতিবেশী দেশ মিয়ানমারের রাখাইন রাজ্যে রোহিঙ্গা মুসলমানদের উপর জাতিগত নিপীড়ন চলছে। সেদেশের সেনাবাহিনী গুলিতে এবং তাদের পাশাপাশি রাখাইন যুবকদের ধারালো অস্ত্রে নির্বিচারে খুন হচ্ছেন মুসলিম তরুণ-যুবক-বয়োবৃদ্ধ পুরুষ।

যৌন নির্যাতনের শিকার হচ্ছেন তরুণী ও মাঝ বয়সী নারীও। নৃশংসতার হাত থেকে বাদ যাচ্ছে না শিশুও। জ্বালিয়ে দেয়া হচ্ছে রোহিঙ্গা মুসলমানদের ঘরবাড়ি। জাতিসংঘ শরণার্থী বিষয় সংস্থা ও আন্তর্জাতিক মানবাধিকার সংস্থাগুলোর মিয়ানমারে উদ্ভূত সহিংস পরিস্থিতি নিয়ে দেয়া বিবৃতিতে এসব তথ্য প্রচার পাচ্ছে।

এদিকে, জাতিগত নিপীড়নের শিকার অসংখ্য আবাল-বৃদ্ধ-বনিতা প্রাণ বাঁচাতে বাংলাদেশের সীমান্ত পার হওয়ার ঝুঁকি নিচ্ছে। দিনে-রাতে সমানভাবে অনুপ্রবেশের চেষ্টায় মত্ত রয়েছে আতঙ্কিত মুসলিম রোহিঙ্গারা।

একারণে স্থল ও জল সীমান্তে নিয়মিত টহলের পাশাপাশি বর্ডার গার্ড বাংলাদেশ (বিজিবি), কোস্টগার্ড এবং পুলিশ অতিরিক্ত টহল জোরদার করেছে। এরপরও দলে দলে বাংলাদেশে অনুপ্রবেশ করছে রোহিঙ্গারা। গত কয়েক দিনে নিপীড়িত কয়েক হাজার রোহিঙ্গা টেকনাফের লেদা ও উখিয়ার কুতুপালংয়ের অনিবন্ধিত রোহিঙ্গা ক্যাম্পেও আশ্রয় নিয়েছে।

মঙ্গলবার বিকেলে কুতুপালং রোহিঙ্গা বস্তি ঘুরে দেখা যায়, আগে থেকে এখানে অবস্থান করা রোহিঙ্গা নারী-পুরুষ-শিশু বস্তি সংলগ্ন পাহাড়ে অধির আগ্রহে অপেক্ষা করছে মৃত্যুর হাত থেকে বেঁচে সীমান্ত পেরিয়ে আসা স্বজন কিংবা পাড়ালিয়াদের একটু ঘরে নিতে। এসময় বিজিবি সদস্যরা ওইসব রোহিঙ্গাদের সেখান থেকে সরিয়ে দিয়ে বস্তির পাহাড়ে অবস্থান নেয়।

রোহিঙ্গা বস্তির বাসিন্দা আবু তৈয়ব জানান, আমরাও নিপীড়িত হয়ে দেশ ছেড়েছি। তাই বিপদাপন্ন হওয়ার যন্ত্রণা বুঝি। রোববার ভোর রাত থেকে বেশ কিছু রোহিঙ্গা প্রাণ নিয়ে স্বপরিবারে পালিয়ে এসেছেন। অন্যদেশে অবৈধ আশ্রিত হলেও তাদের আমাদের সঙ্গেই থাকার ব্যবস্থা করেছি।

আবু তৈয়বের সহযোগিতায় অনুপ্রবেশকারী ১১ সদস্যের একটি রোহিঙ্গা পরিবারের সঙ্গে দেখা হয়।

পরিবার প্রধান মোহাম্মদ হাসেম (৩০) জানান, তারা মংডু কেয়ারীপাড়ার বাসিন্দা। মিয়ানমার সেনা সদস্যরা তাদের বাড়ীঘর পুড়িয়ে দেয়ায় প্রায় ২০ দিন যাবত বন-জঙ্গলে লতাপাতা খেয়ে অবস্থান করেন। প্রায় ৬ মাইল পাহাড়ি পথ পায়ে হেটে নাফনদী পর্যন্ত এসে নৌকায় উনচিপ্রাং সীমান্ত পার হয়ে বাংলাদেশে ঢুকে কুতুপালং বস্তিতে এসেছেন।

স্ত্রী আরেফা বেগম (২৫), মেয়ে নুর কেয়াস (১০), ফায়সাল (৮), নইমা (৭), কবুরা (৫), কাবিনা আকতার (২), মা সবে মেরাজ (৫৫), ভাই জহিরুল ইসলাম (২৫), মোহাম্মদ রফিক (১৮) ও বোন সমুদা খাতুনকে (১৯) নিয়ে প্রাণে বেঁচে আসতে পারায় সৃষ্টিকর্তার কাছে শুকরিয়া আদায় করে হাসেম বলেন, আমরা এখানকার (বাংলাদেশে) জন্য বোঝাস্বরূপ।

Rohinga-Cox-120161123095659.jpg



কতটুকু অসহায় হলে মানুষ নিজ জন্মভিটা ছাড়ে তা আমাদের অবস্থানে না পড়লে কেউ বুঝবেন না। এখানকার সরকার কারাগারে দিলেও তো প্রাণে বাঁচব। ওখানে (আরাকানে) পাখির মতো গুলি ও পশুর মতো জবাই করে হত্যা করা হচ্ছে।

মঙ্গলবার সকালে ক্যাম্পে আসা কামাল আহমদ (৪৫) জানান, কুতুপালং রোহিঙ্গা বস্তিতে মংডুর খিয়ারিপাড়ার ইসলাম (৭২), সিরাজুল ইসলাম (৭০), নুরুল কবির (৩৫), ফজল করিম (৩২), কবির (২৫), ইউনুছ (৪০), লুৎফুর নেছা (২৫), নুরুল আলম (৩০), খাইরুল আমিন (১৮), শামসুল আলম (৪০), আনিছুলাহ (৩০) ও আবদুল আমিনসহ (১২) একসঙ্গে ৩৫ পরিবারের দেড় শতাধিক লোক একই সীমান্ত দিয়ে এপারে এসেছেন।

তাদের মতে, প্রথমে তল্লাশি করে বাড়ির ব্যবহারের দা ও ধারালো অন্যান্য অস্ত্র নিয়ে যায় মিয়ানমার সেনাবাহিনী ও পুলিশ। এরপর তাদের ঘরবাড়ি আগুন দিয়ে জ্বালিয়ে দিয়েছে। পথে যাকে পাচ্ছে গুলি করছে। তাদের সঙ্গে যোগ দিয়েছে রাখাইন যুবকরা। তারা এলোপাথাড়ি কুপিয়ে হত্যা করেছে অনেক যুবক, তরুণী ও শিশুকে।

অপরদিকে বাংলাদেশে পালিয়ে আসার সময় রোববার রাতে নাফ নদীতে রোহিঙ্গা বোঝাই একটি নৌকা ডুবির ঘটনা ঘটেছে। এতে নারী-শিশুসহ ১০ জন নিখোঁজ রয়েছেন বলে জানা গেছে। খবর পেয়ে টেকনাফের জাদিমুড়া এলাকার একটি ট্রলার নদীতে ভাসমান অবস্থায় ২০ জনের মতো রোহিঙ্গা নারী-পুরুষকে উদ্ধার করে।

তবে নৌকায় থাকা শিশুসহ ১০ জন নিখোঁজের হদিস মঙ্গলবার পর্যন্ত পাওয়া যায়নি। নৌকাডুবির এ ঘটনায় রোকেয়া বেগম ও হুমায়ুন কবির দম্পতি বেঁচে গেলেও তারা আনোয়ার ইব্রাহিম (৮), আফসান বিবি (৫) ও ইমরান (৩) নামে তিন সন্তানকে হারিয়ে পাগলপ্রায়।

তথ্যের সত্যতা স্বীকার করে কুতুপালং রোহিঙ্গা বস্তি ম্যানেজম্যান্ট কমিটির সভাপতি আবু ছিদ্দিক বলেন, গত এক সপ্তাহে শতাধিক পরিবারের প্রায় হাজারের অধিক রোহিঙ্গা নতুন করে কুতুপালং বস্তিতে এসে আশ্রয় নিয়েছে। তাদের মাঝে নারী ও শিশুর আধিক্য বেশি। পুরুষের সংখ্যা কম। যারা এসেছে তাদের অনেকের পরিবার কর্তা নৃশংস হত্যার শিকার হয়েছেন।

আবু ছিদ্দিক আরো জানান, আরো কয়েক হাজার রোহিঙ্গা মঙ্গলবার ভোরে বাংলাদেশে প্রবেশ করেছে। তাদের উনছিপ্রাং সীমান্তে, হোয়াইক্যং ও বালুখালী চেকপোস্ট এলাকায় আটকে রেখেছে বিজিবি সদস্যরা। তিনি এখানে আনুমানিক ৫ রোহিঙ্গা থাকার খবর পেয়েছেন বলে উল্লেখ করেন।

রোহিঙ্গা অধ্যুষিত উখিয়া সদর রাজাপালং ইউনিয়নের ৯ নম্বর কুতুপালং ওয়ার্ড সদস্য বখতিয়ার আহমদ বলেন, গত কয়েকদিনে কয়েক শতাধিক রোহিঙ্গা কুতুপালং বস্তিতে আশ্রয় নিয়েছে বলে জানতে পেরেছি। বিষয়টি স্থানীয় প্রশাসনকেও অবহিত করেছেন বলে উল্লেখ করেন তিনি।

উখিয়া থানা পুলিশেল ভারপ্রাপ্ত কর্মকর্তা (ওসি) মো. আবুল খায়ের রোহিঙ্গা অনুপ্রবেশ খবর পেয়েছেন স্বীকার করে বলেন, বিষয়টি ঊর্ধ্বতন কর্তৃপক্ষের কাছে জানানো হয়েছে। এখনো কোনো দিক নির্দেশনা আসেনি।

কুতুপালং রেজিস্টার্ড ক্যাম্প ইনচার্জ আরমান শাকিল বলেন, তার ক্যাম্পে যেন অনুপ্রবেশকারী রোহিঙ্গা প্রবেশ করতে না পারে সে ব্যাপারে প্রয়োজনীয় নিরাপত্তা জোরদার করা হয়েছে।

তবে, টেকনাফের উনছিপ্রাং, হোয়াইক্যং বিজিবির সদস্যদের কাছে কয়েক হাজার অনুপ্রবেশকারি আটকের বিষয়ে জানতে টেকনাফ ২ ব্যাটালিয়নের অধিনায়ক লে. কর্ণেল আবুজার আল জাহিদের সরকারি মুঠোফোনে বেশ কয়েকবার কল দেয়া হলেও তাকে পাওয়া যায়নি।

এছাড়া কক্সবাজার ৩৪ বিজিবির অধিনায়ক লে. কর্নেল ইমরান উলাহ সরকার রোহিঙ্গা অনুপ্রবেশের কথা অস্বীকার করে বলেন, ঘুমধুম, তুমব্রু ও বালুখালীসহ তার নিয়ন্ত্রণাধীন ব্যাটালিয়নের আওতায় থাকা বিওপি সদস্যরা মঙ্গলবার সকাল ৭টা থেকে বিকেল ৩টা পর্যন্ত ১১ পুরুষ, ২০ নারী ও ৩৫ শিশুসহ ৬৬ জনকে অনুপ্রবেশকালে আটক করে স্বদেশে ফেরত পাঠিয়েছে।

অনুপ্রবেশ সম্পর্কে শরণার্থী ক্যাম্প সংশ্লিষ্ট ও অন্যদের দেয়া বক্তব্যের বিষয়ে দৃষ্টি আকর্ষণ করা হলে তিনি বলেন, বিজিবির সামনে দিয়ে কোনো অনুপ্রবেশ ঘটেনি।

কক্সবাজারের জেলা প্রশাসক মো. আলী হোসেন মিয়ানমারের জাতিগত নিপীড়ন থেকে প্রাণ রক্ষায় সীমান্ত পেরিয়ে কিছু রোহিঙ্গা অনুপ্রবেশ ঘটেছে স্বীকার করে বলেন, কী পরিমাণ অনুপ্রবেশ ঘটেছে তার সঠিক হিসাব দেয়া যাবে না। তবে আমি স্বীকার করছি প্রাণের মায়ায় ঝুঁকি নিয়ে অনেক রোহিঙ্গা মুসলিম অনুপ্রবেশ করে শরণার্থী শিবিরে আশ্রয় নিয়েছেন।

কক্সবাজার রোহিঙ্গা প্রতিরোধ কমিটি আহ্বায়ক ও উখিয়া উপজেলা আওয়ামী লীগ সভাপতি অধ্যক্ষ হামিদুল হক চৌধুরী বলেন, বর্তমানে কক্সবাজারের উখিয়ার কুতুপালং ও টেকনাফের নয়াপাড়া শরণার্থী ক্যাম্পে ৩১ হাজার ৭৫৯ জন নিবন্ধিত শরণার্থী অবস্থান করছে।

এছাড়াও নিবন্ধিত শরণার্থী শিবিরের পাশে গড়ে ওঠা বস্তিতে বাস করছে অনিবন্ধিত ৫০-৬০ হাজার রোহিঙ্গা। এছাড়াও পুরো জেলায় ছড়িয়ে ছিটিয়ে রয়েছে কয়েক লাখ রোহিঙ্গা। যা বাংলাদেশের জন্য বিষফোঁড়া হয়ে রয়েছে।

এর উপর আবারো অনুপ্রবেশ দেশের জন্য অশনীসংকেত বয়ে আনবে। কারণ, অনেক রোহিঙ্গা ইতোমধ্যে নানা অপরাধী চক্রের সঙ্গে জড়িয়ে হত্যা, ডাকাতি, অপহরণসহ নানা অপরাধে জড়িয়েছে। তাই এসব রোহিঙ্গার বিষয়ে আন্তর্জাতিক সিদ্ধান্তে পৌঁছানো দরকার বলে উল্লেখ করেন তিনি।

উৎসঃ জাগোনিউজ
 
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Problems began to emerge after General Ne Win's adoption of the new Burmese nationality laws in 1982 which restricted the Rohingyas to seek Burmese citizenship. Subsequently, the Rohingyas became subject to widespread persecution in the form of state-sponsored genocides as well as Islamophobic propaganda and the situation remains the same ever since.

Got it. Bangladesh need to take in more though. Not good refusing them into your country.

No more criminals from Myanmar...no more Rohingya
How are they criminals ?
 
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If we take 100 Rohyngas it will only encourage Myanmar to deport 1000 more. We have taken Hundreds of thousands. Their prosecution did not stop. Myanmar continued with their ethnic cleansing policy.
 
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Allah na kare, if BD ever face such situation as
Mazloom of Burma, there will be no one out there to help BD refugees. I am ashamed that I some how connected to BD land. :cry:

Allah is watching and I only only hope that may the Lanat of allah strike over current Awami regime including all Awami sympathizer.
 
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During 71 war... PN mined the entire area.. the indian navy couldnt enter the waters till the war ended.. but than again ... its 2016 and technology has advanced...

But in no way can bangladesh hold back an indian assault.. they dont have the capability... in a real war... they wont last 2 days....

Every sovereignty country has a foe state. Bd has strategical power point to fight with India. That is why In 1971 Pakistani army regime failed to capture east Pakistan. Where they knew everything inside of east Pakistan and they had full power to attack bd as they did. We made our cant . Area not for giving rose to India. We made it for sending bullet. We just have to survive 9 days- then India will be same to us. We will cut the tie of 7 sisters, west Bengal. Etce
.Now tell me in which part they will control, Pk border ? LOC border? China border ? From Kashmir area? OR etce
border area. From which part of border they will control. May be ur talking about huge firepower , but they will do air strick. But for conquering a state , u have to deploy ground force.

first. Will throw missiles. But they will not deploy ground force at a time. It will turn to a guerrilla war , where million of young muslims will be a part of Army or will join armed forces. India can't stop people in border area. Pakistan is smaller then India , but Pakistan has strategical upper level benefits.

We know how to fight back with india. From pakistan you are just watching the firepower but from bangladesh we can see the actual reality of India. As Pakistan knows India closely .

If we take 100 Rohyngas it will only encourage Myanmar to deport 1000 more. We have taken Hundreds of thousands. Their prosecution did not stop. Myanmar continued with their ethnic cleansing policy.

So we can't let them die. It is now a military situation. Not political.
 
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Rohingyas are ethnically bengalis... so yes they dont really care about their own kin.

Rohingyas are ethnically bengalis in that sense Arakan also a part of Bangladesh. Bd don't care abt them bcz of fake and immatured foreign policy. Arakan belongs to the rohiga muslims.

Rohiga prob isn't only prob for Bangladesh only , it's responsibility goes to other muslim countries too. Now In rakhain state it is military problem. Solution should be taken by militarily.

Allah na kare, if BD ever face such situation as
Mazloom of Burma, there will be no one out there to help BD refugees. I am ashamed that I some how connected to BD land. :cry:

Allah is watching and I only only hope that may the Lanat of allah strike over current Awami regime including all Awami sympathizer.

Allah is watching - Allah will not solve the problem if we don't solve the problem ourselves. It is not About Only BAL leadingship. If BNP come to the power today, They will do the same thing. One is conservative another is democratic . It is systematic governing problem.
 
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Rohingyas are ethnically bengalis in that sense Arakan also a part of Bangladesh. Bd don't care abt them bcz of fake and immatured foreign policy. Arakan belongs to the rohiga muslims.

Rohiga prob isn't only prob for Bangladesh only , it's responsibility goes to other muslim countries too. Now In rakhain state it is military problem. Solution should be taken by militarily.



Allah is watching - Allah will not solve the problem if we don't solve the problem ourselves. It is not About Only BAL leadingship. If BNP come to the power today, They will do the same thing. One is conservative another is democratic . It is systematic governing problem.
Exactly. God is watching. Let's pray and hope he curses the buddhist infidels for their sins and be done with it.
 
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So we can't let them die. It is now a military situation. Not political.
You know, in a hypothetical scenario, where we go on a war with Myanmar, more Rohyngas will die. Less Muslims in Myanmar means more danger for those Muslims living in Arakan.
 
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Then in 1971 why u went to india for safety reason? That was indian concern? As a neighbor country this is our duty to protect our minority brothers. Militarily.

What is going on Palestine? and Kashmir? connect with it in a row.



In a micro level we don't see the influence but in the macro level we can see what actually India wanted to see from us. .

Different scenario.And Bangladeshi who sleeked refugee in India were given an option to stay in India or return to Bangladesh.Myanmar will just force us to accept them,forget and act as if nothing happened.
 
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