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May 12, 2015 7:00 pm JST
South China Sea
Vying with China, Cam Ranh Bay is Vietnam's ace in the hole
ATSUSHI TOMIYAMA, Nikkei staff writer
HANOI -- Vietnam is David to China's Goliath when it comes to the strategic competition between the two communist countries. China's gross domestic product is 54 times larger than its southeastern neighbor and its navy is 10 times bigger.
But when it comes to disputed islands in the South China Sea, Vietnam has an ace up its sleeve: Cam Ranh Bay, a natural harbor on Vietnam's central coast. To make the most of its leverage, Hanoi is offering the use of Cam Ranh Bay to Russia and it may do the same for the U.S.
Vietnamese naval ship Leopard Dinh Tien Hoang is seen at the Cam Ranh naval base January 2, 2013. © Reuters
Cam Ranh Bay is one of the most strategically important bays in Asia and can serve as a major naval base covering the South China Sea and the Indian Ocean. Indeed, the U.S. used it as its center of its naval operations during the Vietnam War, which Washington and its South Vietnamese ally lost in 1975.
Now the U.S. Navy wants to return to Cam Ranh Bay on friendly terms. It is locked in an strategic rivalry with Russia over Cam Ranh Bay. Should Vietnam grant preferential access to either country, the maritime balance of power will be greatly affected in the Asia-Pacific.
Beachfront location
On March 11, Reuters reported the U.S. government had asked Vietnam to stop letting Russia use the military base at Cam Ranh Bay. According to the report, U.S. officials complained that Russian bombers circling Guam, home to a major American air base, were being refueled by Russian tanker aircraft flying out of Cam Ranh Bay.
The bay is about 600km west of the Paracel Islands -- known as Xisha in China and Hoang Sa in Vietnam -- and some 800km northwest of the Spratly Islands, which the Chinese call Nansha. Vietnam and China are locked in a dispute over both island groups. Ships stationed at Cam Ranh Bay can also easily enter the Indian Ocean through the Strait of Malacca.
The strategic value of Cam Ranh Bay, with its naval and air bases, has long been apparent. In the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905, Russia's Baltic Fleet briefly called there. During World War II, Imperial Japan used the facility.
After the Vietnam War, the Soviet Union and then Russia leased the base from 1979 to 2002. After the end of the Cold War, the bay lost some of its strategic importance. But China's growing military assertiveness in recent years aimed at establishing its presence in contested waters in the South China Sea, has changed matters.
Come one, come all?
In May of last year, China began drilling for oil near the Paracel Islands, over which Vietnam claims sovereignty. Later Beijing pressed ahead with reclamation on Woody Island (called Yongxing in China and Phu Lam in Vietnam), the largest island of the Paracels, and also began construction of a 3,000-meter runway in the Spratlys.
Vietnam says it does not want any country to have preferential rights to Cam Ranh Bay. In March 2014, President Truong Tan Sang said Hanoi has no intention of cooperating with any country with the aim of military use of the port of Cam Ranh. Vietnam has declined repeated requests from the U.S. and others for the right to use its facilities. Vietnam's apparent move to allow Russia to use the port seems to stem from a desire to strengthen ties with Moscow, on which it has depended militarily since the end of the Vietnam War.
As of March, the Vietnamese navy had purchased three Russian-built Kilo-class submarines, deploying them in Cam Ranh Bay, with three more expected by the end of 2016. Regular port calls by Russian warships would make it easier for the Vietnamese navy to get Russian advice about submarine operations and strategy. "Vietnam seems likely to have secured from the Russian side a pledge to update its arms and weapons systems to the latest versions in return for the use of Cam Ranh Bay," said a diplomatic source in Hanoi.
But the Vietnamese government has yet to make clear its official position on Russia's use of the bay, partly because of its importance to Vietnam's security. And it probably wants to strengthen relations with the U.S. even more than it does with Russia.
Hello, Uncle Sam
This year marks the 40th anniversary of the end of the Vietnam War and the 20th anniversary of the normalization of U.S.-Vietnam relations. Vietnam's supreme leader, Nguyen Phu Trong, will become the first secretary-general of the Vietnamese Communist Party to visit Washington, possibly as early as June.
The U.S. is Vietnam's second-largest trading partner after China, accounting for 11.7% of Vietnam's total trade value. If the negotiations for the Trans-Pacific Partnership is concluded, trade with and investment between the two countries will surely rise.
The U.S., for its part, has partially lifted its arms embargo on Vietnam, which lasted for about 40 years. So far, the restrictions have been eased only on items related to maritime defense, and no actual deals have been clinched. But Vietnam appears to be interested in buying anti-submarine aircraft and high-speed coast-guard patrol boats, among other equipment.
About 95% of Vietnam's arms come from Russia, and most of its equipment is old. Vietnamese authorities are well aware that American arms come with much better after-sales service and training. They may be looking to gradually replace their Russian gear for American.
Japan is watching developments in the South China Sea with concern. In late April, Reuters reported Japan's Defense Ministry has begun studying plans to conduct joint patrols in the South China Sea with the U.S. The Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force has a fleet of 70 P-3C surveillance planes, which gives it a strong reconnaissance capability. Should it be allowed to use Cam Ranh Bay, it would be able to routinely monitor the entire South China Sea, said a diplomatic source in Hanoi.
South China Sea
Vying with China, Cam Ranh Bay is Vietnam's ace in the hole
ATSUSHI TOMIYAMA, Nikkei staff writer
HANOI -- Vietnam is David to China's Goliath when it comes to the strategic competition between the two communist countries. China's gross domestic product is 54 times larger than its southeastern neighbor and its navy is 10 times bigger.
But when it comes to disputed islands in the South China Sea, Vietnam has an ace up its sleeve: Cam Ranh Bay, a natural harbor on Vietnam's central coast. To make the most of its leverage, Hanoi is offering the use of Cam Ranh Bay to Russia and it may do the same for the U.S.
Vietnamese naval ship Leopard Dinh Tien Hoang is seen at the Cam Ranh naval base January 2, 2013. © Reuters
Cam Ranh Bay is one of the most strategically important bays in Asia and can serve as a major naval base covering the South China Sea and the Indian Ocean. Indeed, the U.S. used it as its center of its naval operations during the Vietnam War, which Washington and its South Vietnamese ally lost in 1975.
Now the U.S. Navy wants to return to Cam Ranh Bay on friendly terms. It is locked in an strategic rivalry with Russia over Cam Ranh Bay. Should Vietnam grant preferential access to either country, the maritime balance of power will be greatly affected in the Asia-Pacific.
Beachfront location
On March 11, Reuters reported the U.S. government had asked Vietnam to stop letting Russia use the military base at Cam Ranh Bay. According to the report, U.S. officials complained that Russian bombers circling Guam, home to a major American air base, were being refueled by Russian tanker aircraft flying out of Cam Ranh Bay.
The bay is about 600km west of the Paracel Islands -- known as Xisha in China and Hoang Sa in Vietnam -- and some 800km northwest of the Spratly Islands, which the Chinese call Nansha. Vietnam and China are locked in a dispute over both island groups. Ships stationed at Cam Ranh Bay can also easily enter the Indian Ocean through the Strait of Malacca.
The strategic value of Cam Ranh Bay, with its naval and air bases, has long been apparent. In the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905, Russia's Baltic Fleet briefly called there. During World War II, Imperial Japan used the facility.
After the Vietnam War, the Soviet Union and then Russia leased the base from 1979 to 2002. After the end of the Cold War, the bay lost some of its strategic importance. But China's growing military assertiveness in recent years aimed at establishing its presence in contested waters in the South China Sea, has changed matters.
Come one, come all?
In May of last year, China began drilling for oil near the Paracel Islands, over which Vietnam claims sovereignty. Later Beijing pressed ahead with reclamation on Woody Island (called Yongxing in China and Phu Lam in Vietnam), the largest island of the Paracels, and also began construction of a 3,000-meter runway in the Spratlys.
Vietnam says it does not want any country to have preferential rights to Cam Ranh Bay. In March 2014, President Truong Tan Sang said Hanoi has no intention of cooperating with any country with the aim of military use of the port of Cam Ranh. Vietnam has declined repeated requests from the U.S. and others for the right to use its facilities. Vietnam's apparent move to allow Russia to use the port seems to stem from a desire to strengthen ties with Moscow, on which it has depended militarily since the end of the Vietnam War.
As of March, the Vietnamese navy had purchased three Russian-built Kilo-class submarines, deploying them in Cam Ranh Bay, with three more expected by the end of 2016. Regular port calls by Russian warships would make it easier for the Vietnamese navy to get Russian advice about submarine operations and strategy. "Vietnam seems likely to have secured from the Russian side a pledge to update its arms and weapons systems to the latest versions in return for the use of Cam Ranh Bay," said a diplomatic source in Hanoi.
But the Vietnamese government has yet to make clear its official position on Russia's use of the bay, partly because of its importance to Vietnam's security. And it probably wants to strengthen relations with the U.S. even more than it does with Russia.
Hello, Uncle Sam
This year marks the 40th anniversary of the end of the Vietnam War and the 20th anniversary of the normalization of U.S.-Vietnam relations. Vietnam's supreme leader, Nguyen Phu Trong, will become the first secretary-general of the Vietnamese Communist Party to visit Washington, possibly as early as June.
The U.S. is Vietnam's second-largest trading partner after China, accounting for 11.7% of Vietnam's total trade value. If the negotiations for the Trans-Pacific Partnership is concluded, trade with and investment between the two countries will surely rise.
The U.S., for its part, has partially lifted its arms embargo on Vietnam, which lasted for about 40 years. So far, the restrictions have been eased only on items related to maritime defense, and no actual deals have been clinched. But Vietnam appears to be interested in buying anti-submarine aircraft and high-speed coast-guard patrol boats, among other equipment.
About 95% of Vietnam's arms come from Russia, and most of its equipment is old. Vietnamese authorities are well aware that American arms come with much better after-sales service and training. They may be looking to gradually replace their Russian gear for American.
Japan is watching developments in the South China Sea with concern. In late April, Reuters reported Japan's Defense Ministry has begun studying plans to conduct joint patrols in the South China Sea with the U.S. The Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force has a fleet of 70 P-3C surveillance planes, which gives it a strong reconnaissance capability. Should it be allowed to use Cam Ranh Bay, it would be able to routinely monitor the entire South China Sea, said a diplomatic source in Hanoi.
