A.P. Richelieu
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https://www.dn.se/ledare/turkiets-sultan-kan-falla/
Google Translate (with minor corrections)
DN's editorial editorial announcement Published Yesterday
Turkey is not the property of Erdogan.
Turkey is not the property of Erdogan. Photo: Bülent Kilic / AFP DN 16/6 2018.
Turkey will go to elections in a week. Despite the fact that President Erdogan has done what he can to abolish freedom of expression, the opposition has a chance. Hopefully it succeeds.
The Turkish intelligence service is suspected of planning murder of opponents in Denmark, Ekot and Denmark's Radio have revealed this week. The fact that the state chases opposition far beyond Turkey's borders is known in the past. President Recep Tayyip Erdogan demands loyalty of all of Turkish origin, towards the country and himself.
The next Sunday, Turkey is holding elections. It is neither completely free nor fair. State television is Erdogan's own propaganda channel, but nowadays, almost all newspapers are checked by his friends. And the state of emergency introduced after the enigmatic coup trial in the summer of 2016 still applies. The freedom of assembly is limited. More than 50,000 people have been arrested as "terrorists", another 100,000 have been fired from the job. The judicial system is under the dominance of Erdogan.
A long time ago, Erdogan made important reforms.
Today, he is more like a tyrannical sultan.
Nevertheless, the opposition has the chance - if the vote is right. The opinion figures are even. Perhaps Erdogan is forced to a second round in the presidential election, perhaps the government party AKP loses its majority in parliament. The election would be a formality, the starting point for the constitutional changes that received barely yes in the referendum last year and which make the president almost almighty. But although Erdogan is still popular, especially among entrepreneurs and conservatives in the Anatolian Heartland, there is a fatigue with his authoritarian rule.
Growth is over 7 percent. However, the economy is dodged by the public spending. Erdogan is also announcing expensive promises. Inflation has reached two-digit figures. The current account deficit is gigantic. The companies are deeply indebted. The result is devaluation for the currency, the lira. Erdogan long pressed the central bank to refrain from raising interest rates. Turkey would not surrender to the "international lobby", and his hypothetical economic theory says that interest rate hikes will increase inflation. In particular, they would, of course, extend the credits to his prestige project.
In the end, the president was forced to let the central bank act. The interest rate has been increased by 5 percentage points in a few weeks. After a voting victory, Erdogan has threatened to take over monetary policy.
The idea was that the AKP would secure victory through an alliance with the nationalist party MHP. The Opposition contrasted surprisingly with a union. The old secular CHP's Muharrem Ince has merged his bags with Meral Aksener, former MHP, but now at the head of a new turchnationalist party. The Kurdish HDP, whose presidential candidate is in jail, was not allowed but Ince has at least visited him in the cell.
If Erdogan does not get a majority directly, the opposition promises to stand behind the candidate who wins the most votes. And if the HDP is able to cope with the 10 percent barrier, AKP can lose power in parliament. This actually happened in 2015, but then the opponents of the president were never close to agree. Times have changed. Ever since the mass demonstrations in Istanbul 2013, Erdogan has drawn Turkey closer to the abyss of the dictatorship. A corruption scandal in his inner circle turned into an attack on the former Allies in the Gülen movement, which is also pointed out for the coup attempt. The witch hunt would be even worse if the president takes home the game. At the same time, he continues the war against the Kurds, which he started three years ago.
The opposition gives a hope of democracy's revolt. The promise is to return to a normal parliamentary system. A long time ago, Erdogan made important reforms. Today, he is more like a tyrannical sultan. This is a senior leader written by employees at Dagens Nyheters ledarredaktion. DN's political stance is independent liberal.
Google Translate (with minor corrections)
DN's editorial editorial announcement Published Yesterday
Turkey is not the property of Erdogan.
Turkey is not the property of Erdogan. Photo: Bülent Kilic / AFP DN 16/6 2018.
Turkey will go to elections in a week. Despite the fact that President Erdogan has done what he can to abolish freedom of expression, the opposition has a chance. Hopefully it succeeds.
The Turkish intelligence service is suspected of planning murder of opponents in Denmark, Ekot and Denmark's Radio have revealed this week. The fact that the state chases opposition far beyond Turkey's borders is known in the past. President Recep Tayyip Erdogan demands loyalty of all of Turkish origin, towards the country and himself.
The next Sunday, Turkey is holding elections. It is neither completely free nor fair. State television is Erdogan's own propaganda channel, but nowadays, almost all newspapers are checked by his friends. And the state of emergency introduced after the enigmatic coup trial in the summer of 2016 still applies. The freedom of assembly is limited. More than 50,000 people have been arrested as "terrorists", another 100,000 have been fired from the job. The judicial system is under the dominance of Erdogan.
A long time ago, Erdogan made important reforms.
Today, he is more like a tyrannical sultan.
Nevertheless, the opposition has the chance - if the vote is right. The opinion figures are even. Perhaps Erdogan is forced to a second round in the presidential election, perhaps the government party AKP loses its majority in parliament. The election would be a formality, the starting point for the constitutional changes that received barely yes in the referendum last year and which make the president almost almighty. But although Erdogan is still popular, especially among entrepreneurs and conservatives in the Anatolian Heartland, there is a fatigue with his authoritarian rule.
Growth is over 7 percent. However, the economy is dodged by the public spending. Erdogan is also announcing expensive promises. Inflation has reached two-digit figures. The current account deficit is gigantic. The companies are deeply indebted. The result is devaluation for the currency, the lira. Erdogan long pressed the central bank to refrain from raising interest rates. Turkey would not surrender to the "international lobby", and his hypothetical economic theory says that interest rate hikes will increase inflation. In particular, they would, of course, extend the credits to his prestige project.
In the end, the president was forced to let the central bank act. The interest rate has been increased by 5 percentage points in a few weeks. After a voting victory, Erdogan has threatened to take over monetary policy.
The idea was that the AKP would secure victory through an alliance with the nationalist party MHP. The Opposition contrasted surprisingly with a union. The old secular CHP's Muharrem Ince has merged his bags with Meral Aksener, former MHP, but now at the head of a new turchnationalist party. The Kurdish HDP, whose presidential candidate is in jail, was not allowed but Ince has at least visited him in the cell.
If Erdogan does not get a majority directly, the opposition promises to stand behind the candidate who wins the most votes. And if the HDP is able to cope with the 10 percent barrier, AKP can lose power in parliament. This actually happened in 2015, but then the opponents of the president were never close to agree. Times have changed. Ever since the mass demonstrations in Istanbul 2013, Erdogan has drawn Turkey closer to the abyss of the dictatorship. A corruption scandal in his inner circle turned into an attack on the former Allies in the Gülen movement, which is also pointed out for the coup attempt. The witch hunt would be even worse if the president takes home the game. At the same time, he continues the war against the Kurds, which he started three years ago.
The opposition gives a hope of democracy's revolt. The promise is to return to a normal parliamentary system. A long time ago, Erdogan made important reforms. Today, he is more like a tyrannical sultan. This is a senior leader written by employees at Dagens Nyheters ledarredaktion. DN's political stance is independent liberal.