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India’s unconventional war strategy
shireen

Contributing Editor Dr SHIREEN M MAZARI takes


the cover off the raw facts about RAW in SOUTH ASIA
The publication of the Jain Commission Report for the Indian Government has confirmed what many in South Asia had suspected all along: That Indian intelligence services Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) has been fomenting violent destabilisation within the domestic polities of the South Asian states. This helps to explain why dissenting political movements in countries like Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and Pakistan - as well as in the other South Asian states - suddenly became more militant and violent in their political behaviour. Why did India feel the need to get into this form of activity within its neighbouring states? The answer to that question lies in understanding India’s power ambitions.

Seeking regional hegemony and recognition as a major global actor since independence, India initially relied on military force to expand its borders as well as intimidate its neighbours into accepting Indian diktat. India’s military moves into Kashmir and Goa emboldened it enough to get embroiled in a military encounter with China in 1962. The ensuing defeat at the hands of the Chinese as well as the stalemated war with Pakistan in 1965 made India rethink its overt military tactics in order to assert its hegemony regionally.

Thus it shifted its focus vis-a-vis South Asian states and China (as reflected in the refuge given to the Tibetan dissidents and the Dalai Lama) to covert interventions aimed at destabilising the domestic polities of its neighbours. It was for this purpose that RAW was created in 1968. The extent of RAW terrorist activities in neighbouring South Asian states is only now formally coming to light with the publication of the Jain Commission Report which establishes a clear link between the Indian government and the LTTE terrorists in Sri Lanka which eventually led to the murder of Rajiv Gandhi.

However, RAW began its activities much earlier in what was then East Pakistan. The short-sightedness and neglect of Bengali sensitivities by successive Pakistani governments since independence provided the perfect milieu for RAW to lay the seeds for wrecking Pakistan from within .

Bangladesh: RAW facts

The Indians played upon Bengali sentiments in the aftermath of the 1965 Pakistan-India war through RAW so that when opportunity struck the Indians were well-prepared. It was RAW that gradually converted Sheikh Mujibur Rehman from being a staunch supporter of Pakistan as a student leader to envisaging himself as the possible ‘Father’ of a new nation - Bangladesh. Indian sources, including journalists, have put on record how much before 1971 RAW had established the network of a separatist movement through ‘cells’ within East Pakistan and military training camps in Indian territory adjoining East Pakistan. The Mukti Bahini were all in place organisationally to take advantage of the political trouble in 1971 and carry out acts of sabotage against communication lines so that Indian forces simply marched in at the ‘right’ time. RAW agents provided valuable information as well as acting as an advance guard for conducting unconventional guerrilla acts against the Pakistani defence forces. A Bengali, who was a Mukti Bahini activist, Zainal Abedin, has written a revealing book which includes his personal experience in Indian training camps, entitled RAW and Bangladesh. It was the post-fall of Dhaka period which exposed the Indians’ true intentions and made Abedin realise that It was evident from the conduct of the Indian Army that they treated Bangladesh as a colony ... It is now evident that India had helped the creation of Bangladesh with the aim that it would be a step forward towards the reunification of India.

Because Mujib returned, Indian forces could not remain in Bangladesh permanently and so it fell on RAW to initiate other fronts to undermine the sovereignty of Bangladesh. RAW has since been seeking to create Indian dominance culturally, ideologically and economically in Bangladesh.

In addition, RAW has also created another insurgency force: The Shanti Bahini (Fighters for Peace). This force comprises the Chittagong Hill Tracts Hindu and Buddhists tribesmen (the Chakmas) and the intention is to bleed the Bengali military and keep the border area tense. The Chakmas used to embarrass the Bangladesh government especially when the latter protested over Indian policy on the sharing of waters’ issue.

Sri Lanka: RAW facts

Up to the mid-seventies the Sri Lankan government had kept India happy by following policies which followed the Indian line - domestically and externally. The trouble began in 1977 when the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) lost power to the Jayewardene-led United National Party in elections. He moved towards a more cooperative policy with the United States and Sri Lanka chose to oppose the Indian demand for the withdrawal of all foreign naval forces from the Indian Ocean. Mrs. Gandhi had already been irked by Sri Lanka’s support to Pakistan during the 1971 war when it allowed landing and fuelling facilities to Pakistan’s East-West commercial flights. So RAW saw a perfect opportunity to exploit within the prevailing dispute between the Sinhalese majority (74 percent) and Tamil minority (14 percent) over distribution of economic and social spoils of independence. Before the two sides could work out a compromise, India, through its RAW, managed to polarise the two sides as well as militarise this essentially political conflict. On the Mukti Bahini model, RAW built up terrorist training camps in India for a number of Tamil terrorist organisations, while India suddenly began orchestrating a public campaign feigning concern because of the links the Tamils had with the 50 million Indian Tamils of Tamil Nadu state - which was separated from Sri Lanka by the Palk Straits. It was only a matter of time before the militants trained in India began sidelining the moderate Tamils and instead demanding complete independence - Ealam. Ironically, the presence of Tamil training camps in Tamil Nadu often created a law and order situation when large arms were captured by the state police. The surprise for the state government came when New Delhi ordered that such captured material be returned.

According to Rohan Gunaratna, in his book Indian Intervention in Sri Lanka, RAW waged a secret war in India beginning 1983 so that when the Sri Lankan armed forces launched a major offensive against the Tamil militancy in 1987, the Indian government had already ensured that the Tamils were well supplied and were able to conduct terrorist acts that brought the war closer to Colombo. Tamil Nadu had become the sanctuary for the Tamil terrorists in their hit-and-run tactics. Already, a year prior to this offensive, that is by 1986, there were over 20,000 Indian trained and financed Tamils and India forced Sri Lanka through this militant pressure to alter its foreign policy. But even more crucial, India by now was systematically destabilising Sri Lanka. Being unable to resist the temptation to now intervene directly, India used the Sri Lankan offensive against the Tamil terrorists to force Sri Lanka to accept India’s armed intervention ostensibly to save ‘ innocent Tamil civilians’. Unfortunately for India, the controversial Indo-Sri Lankan Accord of July 1987 proved to be as much of a failure as India’s policy of direct intervention. The result was India’s massively assisted LTTE (Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam) turned on its benefactor and declared war against the Indian forces in Sri Lanka. All in all, this Indian adventure killed 60,000 men, women and children and forced the Indians to withdraw their forces without successfully completing their mission. The price has been steep for both India and Sri Lanka and even today Sri Lanka is paying the price for this Indian-initiated and RAW inspired polarised conflict. The extent of RAW’s role in this affair has been painstakingly documented by Gunaratna in his book on the Indian intervention.

Bhutan, Nepal & Sikkim: RAW facts

The ethnic crisis in Bhutan led by people of Nepalese origin is also said to have been aggravated by RAW - to try and turn the political crisis to India’s advantage.

In Nepal India has consistently intervened in the politics of this Hindu kingdom by promoting pro-India politicians. The economic dependence of this land-locked state on India makes it very difficult for any Nepalese government to assert its sovereignty. Whenever an attempt has been made, the Indians have reacted violently. Presently, the RAW is pushing its pro-India politicians to push for official recognition of Hindi.

As for Sikkim, despite the 1950 agreement between this tiny state and India which allowed for Sikkim’s nominal independence, India, through RAW, began encouraging various groups to oppose the Chogyal (the dynastic head of state). When the Chogyal married an American, India was able to use the anti-CIA card to eventually push the Sikkim National Assembly into ‘requesting’ India for merger of Sikkim into the Indian Union - after an Indian-engineered referendum on this subject. And India ‘eventually’ decided to accept this request in April 1975.

The Maldives

Even as the Indian forces were bogged down in the Sri Lankan quagmire, RAW created a bizarre drama in The Maldives. Terrorists belonging to the RAW-funded Eelam Peoples Revolutionary Liberation Front (EPRLF) staged an attack on Male ostensibly in an effort to use The Maldives as a base for anti-Sri Lankan action. The whole drama ended when, within 24 hours, Indian troops arrived on the ‘request’ of Maldives’ president and captured - effortlessly - the EPRLF personnel. However, no one at home or abroad was deceived by this RAW engineered drama.

While the Jain Commission Report and several publications have reaffirmed Indian intelligence services Research and Analysis Wing’s (RAW) violent interventions within the domestic politics of Sri Lanka and Bangladesh, there has been, surprisingly, no comprehensive publication dealing with what is the most extensive canvas of RAW operations - Pakistan. Yet it has been in Pakistan that RAW has, over the years, exploited societal conflicts and nurtured them into full-fledged violent polarisations.

Pakistan: RAW facts

RAW used the growing disaffection of the Bengalis in East Pakistan to build up the foundations of Bengali separatism. It lay the ground for the Indian military entry into what was then East Pakistan by building up, training and arming the Mukti Bahini. RAW’s failure lay in being unable to lead the Mukti Bahini and the Bengalis to the ‘natural’ conclusion of their struggle against Pakistan - as planned by India - that was a union with India. Instead, perhaps RAW overkill helped the Bangladeshis into seeking a gradual distancing from India so that in the end the creation of Bangladesh only helped to reassert the relevance of the Two-Nation Theory. This has not prevented RAW from focussing its activities in Pakistan - keeping a careful eye on all developments within Pakistan’s domestic polity. In Pakistan RAW has had a multi-pronged strategy using the Indian media, abetting political subversion and actively developing a terrorist network which becomes operationalised within Pakistan as and when RAW feels the time appropriate. That is why there has been a gradual transformation of simple political dissent into a violent form of political polarisation and subversion.

That the opportunities have been provided by the local political machinations cannot be denied - but RAW has been quick to take advantage and introduce an ever-spiralling element of violence within the political discourse and conflict that prevails in all the South Asian countries.

So the fringe minority elements within the Pakistani polity have found themselves receiving RAW largesse which has allowed them to build up their militant resources. RAW has insidiously played the tune of a ‘common subcontinental heritage’ despite the fact that, barring the period of British colonialism there never was a ‘united India’ except in the minds and dreams of Hindu chauvinists. RAW has of course varied its tactics keeping in mind the groups it was seeking to bolster or influence.

Before the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan altered the dynamics of the whole Pakistan-Afghanistan relationship, RAW sought to nurture the Pakhtunistan issue clandestinely even as the Indian government sought to overtly cosy up to certain members of the political elite in the NWFP.

When RAW saw an opportunity in Balochistan in the form of Baloch discontentment - especially in the face of ZA Bhutto’s dismissal of the elected government of that province - it moved in fast to play up the issue of Punjabi dominance. While the Baloch insurgency may have had indigenous roots, it was nurtured and sustained with external aid and assistance and RAW’s trademark was clearly evident through the Afghan route.

While the Pakhtunistan issue gradually faded away with the altered realities on the ground and the Baloch insurgency was isolated and put down, a more serious crisis was brewing for Pakistan when General Zia imposed Martial Law and then hanged ZA Bhutto, who came from Sindh. The Sindhi distress at this act was seen by RAW as an opportunity to exploit. Already there had been disaffection in rural Sindh when One Unit had been established in 1956. Rural Sindhis had also become increasingly wary of what they saw as a high concentration of Urdu-speaking Muslim migrants from India in Sindh. The language issue further aggravated this division within the population of Sindh while self-serving local politicians constantly played the theme of underdevelopment and deprivation of Sindhi and the Sindhis. With Bhutto’s removal from power by the military and his subsequent hanging, all the Sindhi discontent gelled together. So for RAW Sindh became an increasingly fertile ground for their seeds of violence and terrorism.

RAW also upped the violence ante by brazen acts of terrorism which had the RAW hallmark all over them. So blatant was RAW in its earlier terrorist activities in Karachi that the Pakistan government could not turn a blind eye to these activities - especially since they also involved the Indian Consulate in that city. When the links between the Consulate personnel and ethnic dissidents became too obvious to ignore, the government had to have the Consulate closed. However, this closure has not stopped RAW from infiltrating ethnic groups so that the ethnic conflict in Sindh continues to remain highly militarised and there are constant links emerging between RAW and the acts of terror conducted by these groups.

Nor has RAW ignored Punjab in Pakistan. Again, exploiting opportunities provided by indigenous developments, RAW has ensured that socio-political conflicts get more violent and thereby more polarised. By turning political conflicts into military conflicts, RAW hopes to make them more intractable. In Punjab, RAW has made inroads into the sectarian groups so that there are now heavily armed and trained terrorists who have infiltrated these groups. Random acts of terror are also conducted within range of Punjab’s urban centres so that an element of fear creeps into the polity at large. The number of bomb blast incidents in Pakistan for the year 1998 (given below) show how violent the Pakistani polity has become - and RAW can claim credit for a large part of this development.

Moving beyond physical terrorism, RAW has also inundated Pakistan with inflammatory literature to play on the sentiments of minority groups, as well as sectarianism and ethnicity. While Pakistan has been evolving its democratic ethos after the last bout of military dictatorship which spanned over a decade, RAW has attempted to take advantage of the multiple levels of political dissent that any democratic polity - including India - has to contend with within the framework of democracy.

Bomb blast incidents in Pakistan - 1998
Month Incidents Killed Injured
Jan 9 2 23
Feb 9 16 83
March 12 20 121
April 7 7 43
May 3 3 17
June 14 31 71
July 4 - 3
Aug 5 5 5
Sept 5 - 31
Oct 8 3 43
Nov 2 4 13
(till 20th)
Total 78 91 453

(collated from Press reports)

RAW has also sought to undermine Pakistan’s external image, especially in the West - taking advantage of the Western phobia of ‘Islamic fundamentalism-terrorism’. The Indian media and responsible leaders have orchestrated the campaign to hold the ISI responsible for India’s troubles in her northeastern states and East Punjab. In April 1995, the Indian Army Chief of Staff, General Chaudhri, went public in his accusation against the ISI whom he held responsible for the guerrilla movement in the northeast as well as the troubles in Indian-held Kashmir.

RAW also conducted a well-organised campaign to try and have Pakistan put on the terrorist watch list and, for a while, in the early 90s there was a fear that Pakistan would be declared a ‘terrorist state’ by the US.

At present, RAW has launched a new offensive against Pakistan to try and counter Pakistan’s successful efforts to expose Indian human rights violations in Indian-held Kashmir internationally. With the Indians desperately seeking a way out of their Kashmir quagmire, RAW has started a new propaganda offensive focussing on what it refers to as Pakistan’s ‘Proxy War’ in Kashmir. With the rise of the Madrassah culture in Pakistan and its links to the Taliban in Afghanistan, RAW is trying to create a linkage of this with the Kashmiri freedom fighters in Kashmir. One does not need too much intelligence to see where the RAW campaign is leading. But it should at least make the Pakistanis realise that India is seeking a way out of its untenable position in Kashmir.

All in all, when the international community is increasingly condemning overt war as an instrument of state policy, India has already sought an alternative, indirect and covert mode of warfare through RAW which seeks to destabilise and weaken the states of South Asia from within. Given the changing nature of war one should be prepared for more RAW activities since politics is increasingly becoming the ‘continuation of war by other means’ - and RAW has evolved the expertise on ‘other means’ in South Asia.

http://www.defencejournal.com/jan99/rawfacts.htm
 
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Both Global Security and Federation of American Scientists also has article on this. From FAS.ORG:

"The Research and Analysis Wing [RAW] is India's foreign intelligence agency. RAW has become an effective instrument of Indian national power, and has assumed a significant role in carrying out India's domestic and foreign policies. RAW has engaged in espionage against Pakistan and other neighboring countries. It has enjoyed the backing of successive Indian governments in these efforts. Working directly under the Prime Minister, the structure and operations of the Research & Analysis Wing are kept secret from Parliament."

"Founded in 1968, RAW focused largely on Pakistan. Its formation was initially motivated by reports of Pakistan supplying weapons to Sikh militants, and providing shelter and training to guerrillas in Pakistan."



"During the course of its investigation the Jain Commission received testimony on the official Indian support to the various Sri Lankan Tamil armed groups in Tamil Nadu. From 1981, RAW and the Intelligence Bureau established a network of as many as 30 training bases for these groups in India. Centers were also established at the high-security military installation of Chakrata, near Dehra Dun, and in the Ramakrishna Puram area of New Delhi. This clandestine support to the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), some of whom were on the payroll of RAW, was later suspended. Starting in late 1986 the Research and Analysis Wing focused surveillance on the LTTE which was expanding ties with Tamil Nadu separatist groups. Rajiv Gandhi sought to establish good relations with the LTTE, even after the Indian Peace Keeping Force [IPKF] experience in Sri Lanka. But the Indian intelligence community failed to accurately assess the character of the LTTE and its orientation India and its political leaders. The LTTE assassination of Rajiv Gandhi was apparently motivated by fears of a possible re-induction of the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) in Sri Lanka and a crackdown on the LTTE network in Tamil Nadu."

http://www.fas.org/irp/world/india/raw/index.html
http://www.globalsecurity.org/intell/world/india/raw.htm


Note that they supported the well known terrorist organisation LTTE for the sole purpose of destablising other countries. And only later when the LTTE bite them in their arse that India stopped. What a bunch of morons and got what they deserved. Should have heed the old saying "If you play with fire, you're gonna get burned". :D
 
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RAW: An Instrument of Indian Imperialism

Isha Khan

The Research and Analysis Wing (RAW), created in 1968, has assumed a significant status in the formulation of India's domestic and foreign policies, particularly the later. Working directly under the Prime Minister, it has over the years become and effective instrument of India's national power. In consonance with Kautilya's precepts, RAW's espionage doctrine is based on the principle of waging a continuous series of battles of intrigues and secret wars.

RAW, ever since its creation, has always been a vital, though unobtrusive, actor in Indian policy-making apparatus. But it is the massive international dimensions of RAW operations that merit a closer examination. To the credit of this organization, it has in very short span of time mastered the art of spy warfare. Credit must go to Indira Gandhi who in the late 1970s gave it a changed and much more dynamic role. To suit her much publicized Indira Doctrine, (actually India Doctrine) Mrs. Gandhi specifically asked RAW to create a powerful organ within the organization which could undertake covert operations in neighboring countries. It is this capability that makes RAW a more fearsome agency than its superior KGB, CIA, MI-6, BND and the Mossad.

Its internal role is confined only in monitoring events having bearing on the external threat. RAW's boss works directly under the Prime Minister. An Additional Secretary to the Government of India, under the Director RAW, is responsible for the Office of Special Operations (OSO), intelligence collected from different countries, internal security (under the Director General of Security), the electronic/technical section and general administration. The Additional Secretary as well as the Director General of Security is also under the Director of RAW. DG Security has two important sections: the Aviation Research Center (ARC) and the Special Services Bureau (SSB). The joint Director has specified desks with different regional divisions/areas (countries):

Area one. Pakistan: Area two, China and South East Asia: Area three, the Middle East and Africa: and Area four, other countries. Aviation Research Center (ARC) is responsible for interception, monitoring and jamming of target country's communication systems. It has the most sophisticated electronic equipment and also a substantial number of aircraft equipped with state-of- the art eavesdropping devices. ARC was strengthened in mid-1987 by the addition of three new aircraft, the Gulf Stream-3. These aircraft can reportedly fly at an altitude of 52,000 ft and has an operating range of 5000 kms. ARC also controls a number of radar stations located close to India's borders. Its aircraft also carry out oblique reconnaissance, along the border with Bangladesh, China, Nepal and Pakistan.

RAW having been given a virtual carte blanche to conduct destabilization operations in neighboring countries inimical to India to seriously undertook restructuring of its organization accordingly. RAW was given a list of seven countries (Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Sikkim, Bhutan, Pakistan and Maldives) whom India considered its principal regional protagonists. It very soon systematically and brilliantly crafted covert operations in all these countries to coerce, destabilize and subvert them in consonance with the foreign policy objectives of the Indian Government.

RAW's operations against the regional countries were conducted with great professional skill and expertise. Central to the operations was the establishment of a huge network inside the target countries. It used and targeted political dissent, ethnic divisions, economic backwardness and criminal elements within these states to foment subversion, terrorism and sabotage. Having thus created the conducive environments, RAW stage-managed future events in these countries in such a way that military intervention appears a natural concomitant of the events. In most cases, RAW's hand remained hidden, but more often that not target countries soon began unearthing those "hidden hand". A brief expose of RAW's operations in neighboring countries would reveal the full expanse of its regional ambitions to suit India Doctrine ( Open Secrets. India's Intelligence Unveiled by M K Dhar. Manas Publications, New Delhi, 2005).

Bangladesh

Indian intelligence agencies were involved in erstwhile East Pakistan, now Bangladesh since early 1960s. Its operatives were in touch with Sheikh Mujib for quite some time. Sheikh Mujib went to Agartala in 1965. The famous Agartala case was unearthed in 1967. In fact, the main purpose of raising RAW in 1968 was to organise covert operations in Bangladesh. As early as in 1968, RAW was given a green signal to begin mobilising all its resources for the impending surgical intervention in erstwhile East Pakistan. When in July 1971 General Manekshaw told Prime Minister Indira Gandhi that the army would not be ready till December to intervene in Bangladesh, she quickly turned to RAW for help. RAW was ready. Its officers used Bengali refugees to set up Mukti Bahini. Using this outfit as a cover, Indian military sneaked deep into Bangladesh. The story of Mukti Bahini and RAW's role in its creation and training is now well-known. RAW never concealed its Bangladesh operations.

Interested readers may have details in Asoka Raina's Inside RAW: the story of India's secret service published by Vikas Publishing House of New Delhi.The creation of Bangladesh was masterminded by RAW in complicity with KGB under the covert clauses of Indo-Soviet Treaty of Friendship and Co-operation (adopted as 25-year Indo-Bangladesh Treaty of Friendship and Co-operation in 1972).

RAW retained a keen interest in Bangladesh even after its independence. Mr. Subramaniam Swamy, Janata Dal MP, a close associate of Morarji Desai said that Rameswar Nath Kao, former Chief of RAW, and Shankaran Nair upset about Sheikh Mujib's assassination chalked a plot to kill General Ziaur Rahman. However, when Morarji Desai came into power in 1977 he was indignant at RAW's role in Bangladesh and ordered operations in Bangladesh to be called off; but by then RAW had already gone too far. General Zia continued to be in power for quite some time but he was assassinated after Indira Gandhi returned to power, though she denied her involvement in his assassination( Weekly Sunday,Calcutta,18 September, 1988).

RAW was involved in training of Chakma tribals and Shanti Bahini who carry out subversive activities in Bangladesh. It has also unleashed a well-organized plan of psychological warfare, creation of polarisation among the armed forces, propaganda by false allegations of use of Bangladesh territory by ISI, creation of dissension's among the political parties and religious sects, control of media, denial of river waters, and propping up a host of disputes in order to keep Bangladesh under a constant political and socio-economic pressure ( " RAW and Bangladesh" by Mohammad Zainal Abedin, November 1995, RAW In Bangladesh: Portrait of an Aggressive Intelligence, written and published by Abu Rushd, Dhaka).


Sikkim and Bhutan

Sikkim was the easiest and most docile prey for RAW. Indira Gandhi annexed the Kingdom of Sikkim in mid-1970s, to be an integral part of India. The deposed King Chogyal Tenzig Wangehuck was closely followed by RAW's agents until his death in 1992.

Bhutan, like Nepal and Sikkim, is a land-locked country, totally dependent on India. RAW has developed links with members of the royal family as well as top bureaucrats to implements its policies. It has cultivated its agents amongst Nepalese settlers and is in a position to create difficulties for the Government of Bhutan. In fact, the King of Bhutan has been reduced to the position of merely acquiescing into New Delhi's decisions and go by its dictates in the international arena.


Sri Lanka

Post- independence Sri Lanka, inspire of having a multi-sectoral population was a peaceful country till 1971 and was following independent foreign policy. During 1971 Indo-Pakistan war despite of heavy pressure from India, Sri Lanka allowed Pakistan's civil and military aircraft and ships to stage through its air and sea ports with unhindered re-fueling facilities. It also had permitted Israel to establish a nominal presence of its intelligence training set up. It permitted the installation of high powered transmitter by Voice of America (VOA) on its territory, which was resented by India.

It was because of these 'irritants' in the Indo-Sri Lanka relations that Mrs Indira Gandhi planned to bring Sri Lanka into the fold of the so-called Indira Doctrine (India Doctrine) Kao was told by Gandhi to repeat their Bangladesh success. RAW went looking for militants it could train to destabilize the regime. Camps were set up in Tamil Nadu and old RAW guerrillas trainers were dug out of retirement. RAW began arming the Tamil Tigers and training them at centers such as Gunda and Gorakhpur. As a sequel to this ploy, Sri Lanka was forced into Indian power-web when Indo-Sri Lanka Accord of 1987 was singed and Indian Peace-Keeping-Force (IPKF) landed in Sri Lanka.

The Ministry of External Affairs was also upset at RAW's role in Sri Lanka as they felt that RAW was still continuing negotiations with the Tamil Tiger leader Parabhakran in contravention to the Indian government's foreign policy. According to R Swaminathan, (former Special Secretary of RAW) it was this outfit which was used as the intermediary between Rajib Gandhi and Tamil leader Parabhakaran. The former Indian High Commissioner in Sri Lanka, J.N. Dixit even accused RAW of having given Rs. five corore to the LTTE. At a later stage, RAW built up the EPRLF and ENDLF to fight against the LTTE which turned the situation in Sri Lanka highly volatile and uncertain later on.


Maldives

Under a well-orchestrated RAW plan, on November 30 1988 a 300 to 400-strong well trained force of mercenaries, armed with automatic weapons, initially said to be of unknown origin, infiltrated in boats and stormed the capital of Maldives. They resorted to indiscriminate shooting and took high-level government officials as hostages. At the Presidential Palace, the small contingent of loyal national guards offered stiff resistance, which enabled President Maumoon Abdul Gayoom to shift to a safe place from where he issued urgent appeals for help from India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Britain and the United States.

The Indian Prime Ministe Rajiv Gandhi reacted promptly and about 1600 combat troops belonging to 50 Independent Para-Brigade in conjunction with Indian Naval units landed at Male under the code-name Operation Cactus. A number of IAF transport aircraft, escorted by fighters, were used for landing personnel, heavy equipment and supplies. Within hours of landing, the Indian troops flushed out the attackers form the streets and hideouts. Some of them surrendered to Indian troops, and many were captured by Indian Naval units while trying to escape along with their hostages in a Maldivian ship, Progress Light. Most of the 30 hostages including Ahmed Majtaba, Maldives Minister of Transport, were released. The Indian Government announced the success of the Operation Cactus and complimented the armed forces for a good job done.

The Indian Defense Minister while addressing IAF personnel at Bangalore claimed that the country's prestige has gone high because of the peace-keeping role played by the Indian forces in Maldives. The International Community in general and the South Asian states in particular, however, viewed with suspicious the over-all concept and motives of the operation. The western media described it as a display of newly-acquired military muscle by India and its growing role as a regional police. Although the apparent identification of the two Maldivian nationals could be a sufficient reason, at its face value, to link it with the previous such attempts by the mercenaries, yet other converging factors, indicative of involvement of external hand, could hardly be ignored. Sailing of the mercenaries from Manar and Kankasanturai in Sri Lanka, which were in complete control of IPKF, and the timing and speed of the Indian intervention proved their involvement beyond any doubt.


Nepal

Ever since the partition of the sub-continent India has been openly meddling in Nepal's internal affairs by contriving internal strife and conflicts through RAW to destabilize the successive legitimate governments and prop up puppet regimes which would be more amenable Indian machinations. Armed insurrections were sponsored and abetted by RAW and later requests for military assistance to control these were managed through pro-India leaders. India has been aiding and inciting the Nepalese dissidents to collaborate with the Nepali Congress. For this they were supplied arms whenever the King or the Nepalese Government appeared to be drifting away from the Indian dictates and impinging on Indian hegemonic designs in the region. In fact, under the garb of the so-called democratization measures, the Maoists were actively encouraged to collect arms to resort to open rebellion against the legitimate Nepalese governments. The contrived rebellions provided India an opportunity to intervene militarily in Nepal, ostensibly to control the insurrections which were masterminded by the RAW itself. It was an active replay of the Indian performance in Sri Lanka and Maldives a few years earlier. RAW is particularly aiding the people of the Indian-origin and has been providing them with arms and ammunition. RAW has also infiltrated the ethnic Nepali refugees who have been extradited by Bhutan and have taken refuge in the eastern Nepal. RAW can exploit its links with these refugees in either that are against the Indian interest. Besides the Nepalese economy is totally controlled by the Indian money lenders, financiers and business mafia ( RAW's Machination In South Asia by Shastra Dutta Pant, Kathmandu, 2003).


Afghanistan

Since December 1979, throughout Afghan War, KGB, KHAD (WAD) (former Afghan intelligence outfit) and RAW stepped up their efforts to concentrate on influencing and covert exploitation of the tribes on both sides of the Pakistan-Afghanistan border. There was intimate co-ordination between the three intelligence agencies not only in Afghanistan but in destabilization of Pakistan through subversion and sabotage plan related to Afghan refugees and mujahideen, the tribal belt and inside Pakistan. They jointly organized spotting and recruitment of hostile tribesmen and their training in guerrilla warfare, infiltration, subversion, sabotage and establishment of saboteur force/terrorist organizations in the pro-Afghan tribes of Pakistan in order to carry out bomb explosions in Afghan refugee camps in NWFP and Baluchistan to threaten and pressurize them to return to Afghanistan. They also carried out bomb blasts in populated areas deep inside Pakistan to create panic and hatred in the minds of locals against Afghan refugee mujahideen for pressurizing Pakistan to change its policies on Afghanistan.


Pakistan

Pakistan's size, strength and potential have always overawed the Indians. It, therefore, always considers her main opponent in her expansionist doctrine. India's animosity towards Pakistan is psychologically and ideologically deep-rooted and unassailable. India's war with Pakistan in 1965 over Kashmir and in 1971 which resulted in the dismemberment of Pakistan and creation of Bangladesh are just two examples.

Raw considers Sindh as Pakistan's soft under-belly. It has, therefore, made it the prime target for sabotage and subversion. RAW has enrolled and extensive network of agents and anti-government elements, and is convinced that with a little push restless Sindh will revolt. Taking fullest advantage of the agitation in Sindh in 1983 and the ethnic riots, which have continued till today, RAW has deeply penetrated and cultivated dissidents and secessionists, thereby creating hard-liners unlikely to allow peace to return to Sindh. Raw is also involved similarly in Balochistan.

RAW is also being blamed for confusing the ground situation is Kashmir so as to keep the world attention away from the gross human rights violations by India in India occupied Kashmir. ISI being almost 20 years older than RAW and having acquired much higher standard of efficiency in its functioning , has become the prime target of RAW's designs, ISI is considered to be a stumbling block in RAW's operations, and has, therefore, been made a target of all kinds of massive misinformation and propaganda campaign. The tirade against ISI continues unabated. The idea is to keep ISI on the defensive by fictionalising and alleging its hand is supporting Kashmiri Mujahideen and Sikhs in Punjab. RAW'S fixation against ISI has taken the shape of ISI-phobia, as in India everyone traces down the origin of all happenings and shortcomings to the ISI . Be it an abduction at Banglaore or a student's kidnapping at Cochin, be it a bank robbery at Calcutta or a financial scandal in Bombay, be it a bomb blast at Bombay or Bangladesh, they find an ISI hand in it ( RAW :GLOBAL AND REGIONAL AMBITIONS" Edited by Rashid Ahmad Khan and Muhammad Saleem, Published by Islamabad Policy Research Institute, Asia Printers, slamabad, 2005).

RAW over the years has admirably fulfilled its tasks of destabilising target states through unbridled export of terrorism. The India Doctrine spelt out a difficult and onerous role for RAW. It goes to its credit that it has accomplished its assigned objectives due to the endemic weakness in the state apparatus of those nations and failure of their leaders.
http://www.globalpolitician.com/articledes.asp?ID=2022&cid=6&sid=20
 
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'RAW and Bangladesh' by Zainal Abedin

Lt Gen (Retd) Sardar F.S. Lodi

'RAW and Bangladesh' is an illuminating book written by Mr. Zainal Abedin, a senior Journalist of Bangladesh and published by Fatema Shahad in November 1995. It is printed by Madina Printers and distributed by Madina Publications, 38 Banglabazar Dhaka - 1100, Bangladesh.

Mr. Zainal Abedin is a former student leader and a freedom fighter who crossed over to India in 1971 for military training, joined the Mujib Bahini and fought for the freedom of Bangladesh alongside the Indian Army. Mr Abedin holds a masters degree and a BEd.

In the book Mr Abedin ponders over the events of 1971 and 'one particular incident chastises me the most', he writes, It was in April 1971 in the district headquarters of Noakhali, his home district, where the freedom fighters were gathering, that he met his neighbour. A middle-aged, mature and sober person, his most staunch supporter and admirer. 'He got hold of my hand and took me to a nearby restaurant'. Narrates Mr Abedin, 'As we sipped tea, he started narrating the history of pre-1947 Bengal. He mentioned gory details of how the Hindus used to treat the Muslims and explained the reasons for creation of Pakistan. He said that struggling for one's right is different from break up of the country. He stated that India would first weaken us by breaking our unity and then exploit us. He added that his life time experiences had told him that India would never be sincere to Muslims. With tears in his eyes and hands trembling with emotions he quipped,

'Are you again going to make us the slaves of the Hindus?'.Mr Abedin admits that he did not give any serious thought to the urging of his neighbour at that time as he was too young and emotional. 'The said question now haunts me often', he writes. 'The realization of what lay in store for us started soon after I crossed over to India. The attitude of our

Indian handlers and trainers indicated that they treated us (the Freedom Fighters) not as friends but as agents. The real Indian face lay bare after the surrender of Pakistani forces, when I saw the large scale loot and plunder by the Indian Army personnel. The soldiers swooped on everything they found and carried them away to India. Curfew was imposed on our towns, industrial bases, ports, cantonments, commercial centres and even residential areas to make the looting easier. They lifted everything from ceiling fans to military equipment, utensils to water taps. Thousands of

Army vehicles were used to carry looted goods to India. History has recorded few such cruel and heinous plunders. Such a large scale plunder could not have been possible without connivance of higher Indian authorities'.From the conduct of the Indian Army it was evident that they treated Bangladesh as a colony. That was the time the question asked by his neighbour seriously surfaced in Mr Abedin's mind. He feels that 'India through her notorious deeds has proved time and again that she is not our friend but an arch roguish foe', which has posed a grave threat to the independence and sovereignty of Bangladesh.

'It is now evident', writes Mr Abedin, 'that India helped the creation of Bangladesh with the aim that it would be a step forward towards the reunification of India'. Soon after the creation of Bangladesh, India let loose all forces at her command to cripple the newly born country. Their aim was to precipitate its collapse and eventual merger with India to realize part of the Brahmanic dream about 'Akhand Bharat'. The most significant player of this heinous game is India's notorious intelligence agency, the Research and Analysis Wing commonly known as RAW. Established in 1968 and still 'eating into the vitals of Bangladesh'.

The author explains the main sources of inspiration for India's intelligence agencies and her foreign policy - the ancient pundi-cum-political, Koutillaya, Prime Minister of Chandra Gupta. In his book Arthshastra' written about 300 BC Koutillaya laid down three guidelines: when your country is weak pursue the policy of peace; when your country becomes militarily strong follow the policy of war; when another state seeks your help, apply double standards. In his book Koutillaya has recommended six principles as the basis for foreign policy. These deal with peace, war, neutrality, military preparedness, formation of alliance and duel policy. Koutillaya's final dictum is. 'Power is the ultimate truth and the main aim of an organised state should be to obtain power'.

The author shows how Mrs Indira Gandhi was an ardent follower of Koutillaya and subscribed fully to his policy of waging 'battles of intrigues' and 'secret wars' to achieve her unholy objectives. She created RAW, a secret intelligence agency functioning directly under the Prime Minister to pursue her ambitious but nefarious agenda particularly in the South Asian region.

The Research and Analysis Wing (RAW), explains the author, was raised in September 1968 from the foreign Intelligence Desk of Intelligence Bureau (IB). Mr Rameshwar Nath Kao was appointed its first director and assigned the task of collection, collation and analysis of intelligence from beyond India's national frontiers. A 'Special Operations Branch' was included in its organisation for conducting secret and covert operations. RAW started with a staff of 250 persons and an annual budget of Rupees two crore. It expanded rapidly and by 1990 had a staff exceeding 8 thousand persons and a budget of Rupees 500 crore. Its present budget is around Rs. 1500 crore. It has its own aircraft and helicopters, the headquarters is located in large eleven storey building in Lodhi Estate, New Delhi. The present director is Mr. A. S. Siyali.

RAW has its own agenda particularly concerning neighbouring countries and has great influence in formulation of external policy of India. Since the last few years RAW has become so powerful and influential that it has emerged as a major player in the internal politics as well.

Besides the usual functions as an intelligence agency, RAW is relentlessly working for attainment of the following objectives. One, to extend Indian sovereignty over unprotected and vulnerable smaller neighbours. Two, to enhance Indian influence particularly in the Indian Ocean region militarily, politically and culturally, so as to project and develop India as a future super power. Three, to implement the Brahmanic dream of establishment of 'Akhand Bharat'.

The book explains how RAW's popularity, acceptability and influence increased manifold after its success in disintegration of Pakistan in 1971 and annexation of Sikkim in 1975. However, its image suffered some setbacks due to debacle in Sri Lanka during 1987 and its failure to have Pakistan declared a terrorist state. Nevertheless it retains its image as the country's premier intelligence agency wielding considerable influence in the formulation of foreign policy and internal security.

The book goes on to explain the cardinal principles of RAW inspired foreign policy. Which is to exert influence on other countries under the cover of friendship and co-operation: resort to threat and coercion to achieve desired objective when necessary; insist on policy of bilateralism etc. RAW attains these objectives abroad by conducting extensive espionage activities by the under cover diplomats and staff posted in Indian Missions abroad; recruiting leaders and other important persons; putting pressure or luring through incentives; brain washing intellectuals and spreading cultural influence; promoting internal clashes and developing separatist movements; influencing the government, members of parliament and government officials; forming pressure groups by spreading false, and distorted news; arranging assassination of important personalities etc.
The author explains the espionage set up of RAW in and around Bangladesh. Inside the country the prime centres are Indian High Commission at Dhaka and Deputy High Commissions at Chittagong and Rajshahi. Another RAW organisation operates around Bangladesh with its regional office at Malibagh, Calcutta. It has an annual budget of Rs. 20 crore and supervises the conduct of espionage and special operations inside Bangladesh. Its three regional offices are located at Darjeeling in the North Shillong, in the North East and Agartala in the East. Bangladesh is therefore very well covered from all sides.

RAW agents employed in Bangladesh can be divided into three broad categories. One, trained Indian nationals who come as diplomats, journalists, businessmen, students, cultural activists, literature etc. Two, Bangladesh nationals for a variety of motives including financial rewards, business interests, ideological considerations (some Hindus). Three, officials of multi-national organisations, NGOs, business houses etc.

The book vividly describes how RAW operated in the former East Pakistan and helped in the creation of Bangladesh. After that it has consistently tried to destabilise the new country politically and financially with the aim of merging it with India as planned by the Indian National Congress. This fact is well illustrated by a letter written by Mr. Nehru on 23 May 1947 to Mr Ashrafuddin, a congress leader from Comilla quoted by the author and attached as an appendix to the book.'The Congress had stood for the union of India and still stands for it'. Wrote Mr Nehru, 'But we have previously stated that we are not going to compel any part against its will. If that unfortunately

leads to a division then we accept it. But inevitably such a division must mean a division also of Bengal and Punjab. That is the only way to have a united India soon after. If we can have a united India straight away without such a division, that will of course be very welcome'.This book is written by a highly educated man who was a student leader, a freedom fighter, a politician, and is now a journalist of great standing in his country. It is written with great perception and knowledge, quoting accurate facts and figures to illustrate his point of view. It should be read by our policy planners and all those concerned with the well-being and prosperity of South Asia. The book does show India's policy, present attitude and future plans concerning her small neighbours.

http://www.defencejournal.com/2000/feb/raw.htm
 
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RAW's involvement in Chittagong Hill Tracts : Some admissions

1. The Chakma guerrillas had closely assisted RAW operatives. They were assisted during and after the liberation War. The Chakmas, after the change of govt in 1975, contacted the RAW. The Chakmas offered to infiltrate among the Mizo rebels and pass on information to the Indian govt in lieu of assylum. This offer was accepted ( Inside RAW : The Story of India's Secret Service, Asoka Raina, Vikas Publishers, New Delhi, 1981, pp.86-87).

2. In 1975, the RAW was instructed to assist the Chakma rebels with arms, supplies , bases and training. Training was conducted in the border camps in Tripura but specialized training was imparted at Chakrata near Dehra Doon. Shantu Larma's Shanti Bahini members were flown to Chakrata and then sent back to Tripura to infiltrate into Chittagong Hill Tracts. A RAW office and its operatives at Agartala monitored the progress of the trainees. In 1976, the Shanti Bahini launched its first attack on the Bangladesh force. A new insurgency had been born and India's secret war in the hills of Bangladesh had begun ( South Asia's Fractured Frontier, Binalaksmi Nepram, Mittal Pablishers, New Delhi, 2002, pp-153).

3. The RAW was involved in training rebels of Chakma tribes and Shanti Bahini to carry out subversive activities in Bangladesh ( RAW's role in Furthering India's Foreign Policy, The New Nation, Dhaka, 31 August 1994).

4.The Indian intelligence had collaborated the armed rebels of Chittagong Hill Tracts to destabilise the region ( Indo-Bangladesh Relation, Motiur Rahman, daily Prothom Alo, 10 December 2002).

http://www.bangladesh-web.com/view.php?hidDate=2005-05-16&hidType=OPT&hidRecord=44925
 
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Another baeless propaganda ****. What is the posters aim? Whats his view point?
 
. . . .
After Kashmir, N-E has largest intelligence deployment

Ajay Suri

Though Union Home minister L K Advani said today he ‘did not think’ there had been an intelligence failure in the north-east, the fact remains that after Kashmir, the region has the maximum concentration of intelligence personnel.

Apart from Military Intelligence, BSF’s own G-branch (its intelligence wing) is active in the region. Also, more than 500 Intelligence Bureau (IB) officials are stationed permanently here, and the Research & Analysis wing (RAW) has its men even in Bangladesh.

None of them, though, apparently had any input on the invasion and completely missed the movement by at least six battalions of the Bangladesh Army and Bangladesh Rifles, who crossed the border in convoys of armoured vehicles and carried heavy weaponry, including rocket launchers and mortars. In fact, the first wake-up call came from the affected villagers.
To add to the Government’s discomfiture, point out observers, the recently retired RAW chief A S Dulat took steps to revamp the intelligence structure in the region days after his induction in the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) as Officer on Special Duty (OSD). Considered an expert on Kashmir affairs, Dulat took pains in this particular task, the argument being that Pakistan’s ISI had spread its tentacles from Nepal to Bangladesh and was actively abetting several insurgent groups in North-East.

http://www.indianexpress.com/ie20010420/nat23.html
 
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Spy who knew Bangladesh better than its president

‘‘A foreign intelligence agency is the eyes and ears of the government. Its activities are the direct resultant of the policies of the government, without which any government would be left in a state of limbo’’ — R.N. Kao, the first RAW chief, who died on January 20.

The search for the man who would head RAW was a crucial one. Rameshwar Nath Kao, during his tenure with the IB, had been exposed to the world of intelligence and espionage, having worked in the field in the mid-sixties. Kao set up the structure, followed by K. Sankaran Nair who made it fully operational... It was possibly from a long list of names coined by DS Joshi, then Cabinet Secretary, that the title ‘‘Research and Analysis Wing’’ was selected.

The Bangla Desh Operation possibly began a year before the actual operation was underway. Even when the world did get a whiff of it in the shape of the Mukti Bahani, many remained unaware of RAW’s involvement. By then Phase I of the operation was already completed. Phase II saw the Indian Armed Forces poised for the liberation of Bangla Desh. RAW, along with the Mukti Bahani, when they developed into a formidable force, provided information to the Indian forces.

Information collected by an IB foreign desk operative in London from a Pakistani diplomat indicated that the West Pakistanis were contemplating action against Bengali Muslims in Pakistan. By 1968 Indian operatives had already been in contact with the ‘‘pro-Mujib’’ faction. A meeting convened in Agartala during 1962-63, between the IB foreign desk operatives and the Mujib faction indicated to ‘‘Colonel’’ Menon (which in fact was Sankaran Nair’s non de guerre that the ‘group’ was eager to escalate their movement. ‘‘Colonel Menon’’ had warned them that in his opinion it was far too early for them to take any positive action. As Colonel Menon right put it....‘‘they jumped the gun.’’ But this was a total disaster.

A few months later, on January 6, 1968, the Pakistan government announced that 28 persons would be prosecuted for conspiring to bring about the secession of East Pakistan, with India’s help. Mujib was implicated 12 years later as an accused. By now the IB foreign desk (PAK) had moved to the new set-up at RAW. RAW cells were set up all along the border.

RAW sources in Karachi had indicated a movement of troops from Karachi harbour for Dacca. On March 3, a message sent out from Dacca to Calcutta by a RAW operative indicated that a major crackdown was imminent. As the report found its way to New Delhi, an urgent message was flashed — ‘‘...advise Menon...’ to bring in ... our friends.’ Towards the end of April the genocide continued and drove 9.8 million into exile to India. The March 1969 RAW report had already spelt out the possibility of Pakistan resorting to a war with India... By the end of May, another RAW assessment sent to the Prime Minister spelt out the need of a ‘‘surgical intervention’’. RAW received the green signal and began mobilising its resources. The Mukti Fauj was known as the Mukti Bahani two months after its formation on the night of March 25, 1971.

General SHFJ Manekshaw, Chief of Army Staff, realised that the major question of India’s defence policy could not be dealt with in purely military terms. As Chairman of the Chiefs of Staff Committee, he pressed for political involvement of the Government. For the first time a political representative in the person of DP Dhar, designated as Chairman of the Planning Committee of the Ministry of External Affairs, was inducted into the war council. On the civil side, a secretariat committee was set up to take executive decisions, dealing with preparations for war and their execution. The committee consisted of the Secretaries of Defence, Home, Finance and Foreign Affairs, with Kao as Member Secretary.

With the go-ahead signal, RAW’s underground network in East Pakistan came alive. Every six weeks 2,000 guerrillas were being trained by RAW, capable of taking on the enemy in hit and run encounters.

After the war for liberation was over, Bangla Desh was estimated as a sovereign state with Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as its head. RAW agents continued to keep an eye on developments in the newly born country. By the end of 1973, RAW reports began to indicate unrest in the country. Nair met Mujib and apprised him of the situation. Mujib, preoccupied with other events, that engulfed his country, shrugged off the warning.

Four months later, RAW agents received information of a meeting between Major Rashid, Major Farooq and Lt Col Usmani at Zia-ur-Rahman’s residence. The decision, among other things, had centred on the coup. During the three-hour meeting one of the participants had doodled on a scrap of paper, which had been carelessly thrown into the waste basket. The scrap had been collected from the rubbish pile by a clerk and passed on to the RAW operative. The information finally reached New Delhi.

Kao, convinced that a coup was in the offing, flew into Dacca, under cover of a pan exporter. After his arrival at Dacca, he was driven to a rendezvous arranged beforehand. Mujib is reported to have found the exercise highly dramatic and just could not understand why Kao could not have come to see him officially.

The Kao-Mujib meeting lasted one hour. Kao was unable to convince Mujib that a coup was brewing and that his life was threatened, in spite of being given the names of those suspected to have been involved.

Les than three months later, on the night of August 14, an army manoeuvre took place. The Bengal Lancers and the Bangla Desh Armoured Corps moved out of the cantonment to the capital’s half built airport. A few hours later, the same evening, 40 members of the Mujib household along wit Sheikh Mujib, lay dead. The killings lasted three minutes.

On November 3, a counter coup led by Brigadier Khaled Musharraf was followed by yet another counter coup that established General Zia-ur-Rahman in power. It was on General Zia’s subsequent goodwill visit to India that a formal meeting between Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and the Bangla Desh President took place. Kao was also present. General Zia is reported to have remarked that ‘‘this man (referring to Kao) knows more about my country than I do.’’

(Edited excerpts from Inside RAW: The story of India’s secret service by Asoka Raina, 1981)

http://www.indianexpress.com/ie20020122/op2.html
 
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Muslims And Sikhs Need Not Apply

By Saikat Datta and Bhavna Vij-Aurora

You can blame all of India's intelligence fiascos mainly on Hindus, as the agencies don't find Muslims or Sikhs fit to work for them.

Noted educationist and former parliamentarian Humayun Kabir was known, among other things, for being a prominent Bengali politician who did not subscribe to the Muslim League's vision of Pakistan. Instead, he chose secular India, rose to be the education secretary. Little did Kabir know that nearly fifty years later, one of his grandsons would not be inducted into RAW, India's external intelligence agency. Reason: he was a Muslim.
The year was 2000. The NDA government was restructuring the Indian security apparatus following the Kargil war. Kabir's grandson had been cleared for induction into the RAW's air wing, the aviation research centre (ARC).

From 1969 till today, the 10,000-strong RAW has avoided recruiting any Muslim officers. So has has NTRO, a critical arm of external intelligence.

He was found to be competent for the job and met all the required parameters. His interviewers were very impressed with him. They had no doubt that they had found their man.
But hours later the decision was reversed. The members of the selection board came to the view that there was a question mark on Kabir's suitability for the job. He was a Muslim and the unwritten code within the agency was that Muslims could not be inducted it. That code vis-a-vis Muslims is still followed. From 1969 till today—RAW's current staff strength is about 10,000—it has avoided recruiting any Muslim officer. Neither has the National Technical Research Organisation (NTRO), a crucial arm of external intelligence. The Intelligence Bureau (IB) with 12,000 personnel has been a little more open. It has a handful of Muslim officers, the senior-most is a joint director.

Many intelligence officials say keeping Muslims out or minimally represented is unwise.Post-9/11 the Indian intelligence community has been tasked to keep its eyes and ears open to global Islamic terrorism. It is here that the presence of dedicated Muslim officers will add to the expertise and capabilities that an organisation like RAW requires. But, senior officers are quick to point out that this should be done not to appease the community. "We have to realise that by following the unwritten code we are denying a pool of talent that is readily available. We need bright, dynamic, intelligent operatives. Should we deny them an opportunity just because they are Muslims?" asks a senior official.

According to former RAW chief A.S. Dulat, appointing Muslims is not only necessary but also critical. He feels that only a Muslim is capable of understanding the psyche of the community. Says Dulat: "The Muslim psyche can be baffling to non-Muslims. However much a person claims to be in tune with what the community feels, he can never really know all the nuances. A Muslim, on the other hand, would have the feel for the language, the metaphor and the culture. If you have to know what is happening in Aligarh Muslim University or SIMI, a Muslim will be much better informed. And you cannot wish away the feeling of neglect, the hurt and the discrimination that the community feels. That too is something a Muslim would be able to understand better."

Similarly, while dealing with intelligence inputs from Pakistan and Bangladesh, a Muslim could be far more effective. But officials point out that appointments should not label Muslim officers as Pakistani specialists. As Indians, their expertise can be deployed elsewhere too. The point they make is that efficient and qualified candidates should not be barred because of their religious identity.

As opposed to RAW, the IB, tasked with internal security, took a decision during the Narasimha Rao government to induct Muslim officers. Soon a couple of young IPS officers were taken in—one from the Uttar Pradesh cadre became the first inductees into the IB. Since then a few more appointments have taken place. According to official feedback, the performance of Muslim officers has never been under question.

In fact, some of them went on to hold senior positions and one officer has risen to the rank of joint director presently handling a sensitive unit. "There was some discussion within the IB before the doors were thrown open. The bottomline for us was that only merit would be the criterion. As intelligence officials our backgrounds are checked periodically. It applies to everyone irrespective of religious or ethnic identities," a senior official told Outlook. Some of the Muslim officers proved to be a big asset in several anti-insurgency operations in J&K.

"They could identify with the sensibilities of the Kashmiris and were much more sensitive in their approach which paid off in 1994-95 when militancy was at its height. In fact, these officers helped us counter the Pakistani propaganda that was dominant in the Kashmir valley during that time," he adds. Now several RAW officials agree a lack of Muslims in the organisation has created a void.

They say a large part of India's strategic outlook covers countries in the Middle East and the Gulf which are primarily Islamic. "These have been traditionally weak areas for us and the induction of Muslim officers could help us. But, we have to also side-step the narrow vision of hiring Muslims in Islamic states and just look at them as professionals," an official told Outlook.
Things could change if the present RAW chief, P.K. Hormese Tharakan, can push the case for a review of the recruitment policy. He has already embarked on an exercise to recruit talented manpower irrespective of religious or ethnic identity.

A senior retired naval admiral has been hired as a consultant for this task. However, a final decision on any change in the present position has to come from the government.
Soon after the task force on intelligence submitted its report to the NDA government in 2000, it began an exercise to revamp intelligence agencies. While new organisations were being set up, a senior bureaucrat approached the then national security advisor (NSA) Brajesh Mishra for guidance. "I asked him if we could induct Muslims into the organisations that were being set up. He promised us that he would look into it. I never heard from him after that," he told Outlook.

The matter was taken up once again when J.N. Dixit took over as the NSA in the UPA government. Points out a bureaucrat: "He heard us out and gave instructions that there should be no discrimination on the basis of religion while recruiting competent officers. Days later he passed away and the instructions were not recorded on file and did not become official policy. So things continue to be the way they were."

Recruiting Muslims into the intelligence agencies finds support from within the strategic community. Says Air Commodore Jasjit Singh, who was part of the committee set up to restructure Indian intelligence in 1998. "I would emphasise that religion must not be a criterion. We have had an eminent chief of air staff in Idrees Latif and Lt General Jameel was army commander of Eastern Command while Lt Gen Zaki was security advisor to the J&K government at a critical period of militancy in the early 1990s. India is a country of minorities, whether religious, ethnic, linguistic or caste. And this is the strength of the nation," Those who argue for an all-inclusive policy based on merit like to remind the sceptics that it was Sikh officers and men who finally rooted out militancy in Punjab. Is the 'secular' Indian state listening?

http://www.outlookindia.com/full.asp?fodname=20061113&fname=Cover+Story&sid=1&pn=2
 
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RAW's support to Nepali terrorists

The Maoists have fantastic intelligence support. In Pili, RNA intelligence was conspicuous by its absence. The officers had no inkling about the imminent attack. Above all, their mobility is legendary, which more than compensates their inferior numbers and less sophisticated weapons. The RNA can in no way match this ability to move freely and quickly. Thus, in spite of intensive follow-up and mopping-up operations, the terrorists have disappeared into thin air.

The Maoists have imposed a kind of guessing game on the RNA: speculate when and where we'll strike next. It is like finding the proverbial needle in the haystack. The various directorates at Army HQ, it seems, are not very effective in coordinating – among themselves and the regional divisional commands. Grave logistical mistakes are, therefore, programmed. To the exoneration of the RNA, it must be said that it has been without a civilian leader/manager for very long. Without a minister to guide it and take responsibility, the ministry of defence cannot function properly and has, in fact, been reduced to a mute spectator.

Then there is the unquestionable fact that HMG/N and RNA have been unable to penetrate and disrupt the Maoists' superlative command and communications network (the HQ of which is located in India), which seems to operate like clockwork. Closely linked with this decisive factor is the use of threats to extort sizable sums of money. With the beginning of the tourist trekking season in September, the Maoists will be able to blackmail thousands of our valuable foreign guests in 'contributing' huge amounts to the Maoist cause: e.g. USD 100/Euro 100 per person in the Annapurna and Jiri-Phaplu circuits and even USD 200 p.p. from Simikot to the Tibetan-Chinese border.

There are reports that even in Khumbu proper (Lukla to Everest Base Camp), which is supposed to be non-Maoist infested, the terrorists have succeeded in exacting protection money from the locals. Why the RNA has been unable to stop this Maoist rapacity which directly fuels their insurgency is anybody's guess. Moreover, this definitely acts as a debilitating factor in a sector of the economy earning badly required foreign exchange and providing hard to come by jobs. The minister of tourism, of course doesn't loose any sleep over this. It's said that he is busy cleaning-up temples!

In the meantime, the seven-party agitation, supported by radical students and unethical professional bodies, unable to mobilize substantial public support, are looking at innovative ways and means to discredit the royal regime. They and the so-called 'civic society' – a band of rabble-rousers (it would not be appropriate to name and elevate them to prominence) – have now called on the American ambassador to deny the King and the royal entourage US-visas to participate in the forthcoming crucial session of the UN world summit and General Assembly. This is not only a very naïve and half-witted proposal, it also illustrates most transparently how low these political and civic 'leaders' can stoop. Needlessly to say, the Americans would not provoke such a diplomatic incident, since Nepal still rates as a friendly country.

These political dons are also threatening the King with the specter of an imminent 'republic' (in the vanguard Koirala and his jaded daughter), as if such a decision was theirs, and theirs alone. If they are virulently shying away from parliamentary elections, how do they expect to establish a constituent assembly to discuss the issue, or even to organize a referendum? After all these demagogues have been clamouring for 'total democracy' and people's sovereignty, and in such an important subject as the form of state, the people should inevitably be consulted, or not? Are these leaders and their advisers, beyond the shadow of a doubt, not dimwits? That they are, so far, off from the pulse of the people is clearly reflected in their cowardly wall of silence regarding the Pili massacre and consequent gross violation of human rights.

The double-standards and machinations of the national and international human rights groups–long suspected now tragic reality—have come to the fore with regard to the atrocities of the Maoists in Pili. The butchering and mutilation of non-combatant pioneers is a crying shame. Reactions, if any, are too lukewarm and slow. All these INGOs with high-sounding names like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, are just dragging their heels and the western-funded NGOs are cravenly silent.

Unfortunately, the royal regime is also at its wits' end. One government minister, Badri Prasad Mandal, has idiotically warned that the agitating parties will also be classified as 'terrorists', should the Maoists be welcomed into their infamous campaign. What will the royal regime undertake, if there is a joint demonstration in the streets of Kathmandu? Call out the army to shoot at the people and provoke further international sanctions? Then there is the minister for propaganda, Tanka Dhakal, incessantly extolling the state of the nation and how vastly improved the security situation has become after 02/01 – in the Valley or the countryside? Except for Kathmandu, the Maoists still impose general strikes, road-blocks and closures, murder gruesomely and extort money – all with impunity. Having nothing better to do, the regime sent the King on a public relations exercise to the eastern provinces — the very region where Maoist oppression still continues unabated.

In the international sphere, the royal regime finds itself in the doldrums. The UK and USA have definitely written off Nepal as belonging to India's sphere of influence (or dominance?) – the emerging and shining regional power and US American strategic global partner of choice. Our political dons have also tacitly accepted this fact — the willing slaves of their Indian masters. India's flagrant support of the Nepalese Maoists is of no consequence to Bush in his world-wide war on terror (or euphemistically in neo Bush-speak: 'global struggle against violent extremism') and the strategic policy of containing China in the long-run.

There was lingering hope that PR China would be a countervailing force, but this has been dashed to the ground. The Chinese leadership is in no mood to challenge US supremacy at the present juncture, since its security concerns are concentrated in the eastern Pacific seaboard. The south-western flank is considered stable, the Dalai Lama and his government-in-exile only minor irritants and India not perceived as a threat.

Sikkim has finally been recognized as part and parcel of the Indian Union and there has even been a secret Sino-Indian agreement with regard to Nepal's Kalapani area. China is concentrating — in her own national interests — on economic development, raising the living standard of the people and intensifying international trade, above all with India, Western Europe and the USA. China will, therefore, avoid foreign adventures which would jeopardize its economic bandwagon. Foreign minister Pandey will, besides 'window-dressing diplomacy', basically return empty-handed in our existential concerns.

What is to be done in our miserable situation? We can only hope and pray that the King will ignore his unproductive and self-serving advisers for once, dismiss the comatose royal regime and pave the way for a representative and clean-image government willing and able to shoulder responsibility and face accountability and above all to give life to the royal statement of 02/01.

(The writer can be reached at: shashipbmalla@hotmail.com)

http://bangladesh-web.com/view.php?hidDate=2005-08-22&hidType=OPT&hidRecord=0000000000000000057736
 
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