PM Imran Khan summons important meeting regarding today's proceeding in SC

[Death Adder]

If that would be relevant question then CJ could have asked Imran Khan. Why this individual need extension. Not everything shared with media. If PTI wants it , then they have right to do so. In last 70 years Six Gen got extension. Nawaz gave Kiyani last time. Any idea why he did that ?

If Nawaz gave extension to Kiyani, then how the hell Raheel Sharif became COAS? You’re talking from rear and don’t have any knowledge.

 

[ARMalik]

These judges are part of the corrupt mafia currently trying to destroy the country on the behest of their Foreign masters. The whole system needs to be flushed out. I hope IK declares emergency in the country and arrests all of these corrupts starting with the Chief Justice.

 

[atya]

To Be Honest.
Unless Pakistan Officaly declares they are in Wartime Situation, they shouldn't have brought up Extension, in Kiyani Cases it was the need of time which is not the case now.
The military needs to set an example and show people that they are different than Politicians and the Chief shouldn't have accepted the extension, Heck even 2 3 months could be understandable but 3 years that's just 2 Long.

Because this will set up a trend in the Military that follow whatever ruling Party is saying and you will get extension that will hurt Pakistan.

Who told you that we aren't in a state of war but it's time to officially declare that we are

 

[Jinn Baba]

Who told you that we aren't in a state of war but it's time to officially declare that we are

Then let's give AF and Navy chiefs extensions too, and refuse to let serving military personnel from retiring - you know, what would actually be done if we were in a state of war.

In reality, this is a muk muk between IK and Bajwa with both only thinking about themselves.

 

[AZ1]

If that would be relevant question then CJ could have asked Imran Khan. Why this individual need extension. Not everything shared with media. If PTI wants it , then they have right to do so. In last 70 years Six Gen got extension. Nawaz gave Kiyani last time. Any idea why he did that ?

Court can not ask about this as i said this petition should not be entertained at first place then taking suomoto while whole tenure not even taking any suomoto on other very imp issue raise the question.

This is what senior lawyer saying

 

[HAIDER]

To Be Honest.
Unless Pakistan Officaly declares they are in Wartime Situation, they shouldn't have brought up Extension, in Kiyani Cases it was the need of time which is not the case now.
The military needs to set an example and show people that they are different than Politicians and the Chief shouldn't have accepted the extension, Heck even 2 3 months could be understandable but 3 years that's just 2 Long.

Because this will set up a trend in the Military that follow whatever ruling Party is saying and you will get extension that will hurt Pakistan.

No, Kiyani was rewarded because he help PMLn to restore Iftikhar Chaudry and he gave lots of favor to PMLn.

 

[Darth Vader]

No, Kiyani was rewarded because he help PMLn to restore Iftikhar Chaudry and he gave lots of favor to PMLn.

Well Many other things can be said as well.
TTP Was Active.
OBL Raid.
Political Unrest.
There was so many things at one time, you can justify it sort off but not now?

Who told you that we aren't in a state of war but it's time to officially declare that we are

Please Do enlighten us? How is Pakistan is in the State of War?

 

[HAIDER]

Well Many other things can be said as well.
TTP Was Active.
OBL Raid.
Political Unrest.
There was so many things at one time, you can justify it sort off but not now?

Those situation raised due to Gen passive moves. Same Raheel Sharif turn the table. And Gen Raheel paid the price through the hands of PMLn. So, it means Gen makes difference , an institution actions based on General's decisions.

 

[Darth Vader]

Those situation raised due to Gen passive moves. Same Raheel Sharif turn the table. And Gen Raheel paid the price through the hands of PMLn. So, it means Gen makes difference, an institution actions based on General's decisions.

I won't say he's bad or good just my few points on the situation at that time.
War & Politics You cant play just with Simple aggression.
1 He was a Spy Master, So he had much more in-depth knowledge of current affairs than most people with higher Position in Pakistan
2 The Situation of the Pakistani Economy.
3 Pakistan was Facing 3 edged Sword. 1 India, 2 TTP, 3 Uncle Sam on the western border.
4 Political Chaos at that time.

From what i can see He was the main point which forced the Army to take a covert approach rather than the overt approach in interference in political matters.
After Musharraf kept Broken relations with Uncle Sam on the lifeline. Build ISI network in TTP.
Starting Changing Pakistani preception on the international stage and showing they are the victims

Nothing to take away from Raheel, but It was Kiyani who started Many of those operations in the swat area. He started a controlled War and kept it minium to the areas instead of putting that whole region under fire. even Withstood uncles Sams pressure to start the operations on the other side.

Pakistan wouldn't have survived active aggression at that time. India started to behave as the darling of Uncle Sam.
Would have created much more problems

 

[HAIDER]

I won't say he's bad or good just my few points on the situation at that time.
War & Politics You cant play just with Simple aggression.
1 He was a Spy Master, So he had much more in-depth knowledge of current affairs than most people with higher Position in Pakistan
2 The Situation of the Pakistani Economy.
3 Pakistan was Facing 3 edged Sword. 1 India, 2 TTP, 3 Uncle Sam on the western border.
4 Political Chaos at that time.

From what i can see He was the main point which forced the Army to take a covert approach rather than the overt approach in interference in political matters.
After Musharraf kept Broken relations with Uncle Sam on the lifeline. Build ISI network in TTP.
Starting Changing Pakistani preception on the international stage and showing they are the victims

Nothing to take away from Raheel, but It was Kiyani who started Many of those operations in the swat area. He started a controlled War and kept it minium to the areas instead of putting that whole region under fire. even Withstood uncles Sams pressure to start the operations on the other side.

Pakistan wouldn't have survived active aggression at that time. India started to behave as the darling of Uncle Sam.
Would have created much more problems

And delay cause APS. Where there is will..............Raheel showed the resolve.

 

[Chanakyaa]

https://www.trtworld.com/opinion/pakistan-s-institutional-rigmarole-31783

Pakistan's executive, judiciary and military have found themselves on a collision course, and Imran Khan's government might bear the brunt of the impact.
For the past month, Pakistanis have been glued to their television screens, watching a farcical power struggle between state institutions and other political stakeholders.

The floodgates were opened in early November by a sit-in led by Pakistan’s leading cleric-politician, Maulana Fazlur Rehman. A veteran of anti-government movements dating back to the 1980s, Rehman calculated that the way to undermine Prime Minister Imran Khan was to target the military - widely viewed as his backers. He repeatedly called for Khan’s resignation in daily speeches replete with references to the forced imposition of an incompetent government.

The 13-day sit-in was a high-risk strategy, considering the generals’ renowned intolerance for criticism, but it worked. The state was obviously worried that Rehman’s tens of thousands of supporters, drawn from a nationwide network of seminaries, could riot if provoked. So, instead of confronting them, government and military representatives negotiated with Rehman.

Shortly afterwards, momentum built for the release of imprisoned ex-prime minister Nawaz Sharif, whose health had dangerously deteriorated while in the custody of the government’s dreaded National Accountability Bureau. This gave rise to speculation that Sharif might die from other-than-natural causes.

Again, fearing public disorder, the state caved in to pressure to let him travel overseas for medical treatment.

This infuriated Khan, and his ministers, for whom cracking down against the alleged corruption of his predecessors has been the hallmark of their “Naya (new) Pakistan” project. Ultimately, the political machinations driving the anti-corruption campaign were exposed by a secretly-shot video in which an accountability judge admitted to convicting Sharif under duress. The judge was subsequently sacked.

Nonetheless, the government tried to prevent Sharif from travelling for medical treatment by demanding that he submit a $44 million bond. This was thrown out by the superior judiciary, which had disqualified Sharif from holding public office two years ago and has overseen accountability court proceedings against him.

At this point, Khan and his ministers began criticising the judiciary, earning a public rebuke from Chief Justice Asif Khosa. Influential Urdu newspaper columnists also began to hint that Khan was attempting to stand up to the military.

Days later, Khosa staged an extraordinary intervention. Acting on a lawyer’s petition, the chief justice questioned the grounds for the government’s decision to extend the tenure of powerful army chief of staff Gen Qamar Javed Bajwa.

The court suspended the administrative order and explored technical loopholes, but the manner in which the judges ridiculed the government during the hearing raised eyebrows across Pakistan.

Meanwhile, a special court hearing a treason case against the former military dictator, ex-president Pervez Musharraf, came close to passing a verdict, despite the Khan administration’s attempt to halt proceedings.

These judicial actions gave the distinct impression that the judges were preparing to confront state institutions, as it had during the lawyers’ movement against Musharraf’s rule.

Throughout these strange events, Pakistanis steadily lost their fear of being prosecuted for criticising state institutions on state media. Khan was mocked for failing Bajwa, but most derogatory remarks targeted the army chief of staff by name.

During the Supreme Court’s hearing this week, critical hashtags saying things like “extension unacceptable” were attracting up to 100,000 tweets a day.

This is unprecedented. Army chiefs have previously been criticised after retiring, not while at the height of their powers.

The net outcomes of this are plain for all to see. Prime Minister Imran Khan’s 15-month-old administration has lost credibility and may struggle to survive the duration of 2020. In the process, Khan’s biggest backer, Gen Bajwa, has also been stripped of his aura of invincibility.

Pakistan’s two most important men are paying the price for how Khan rose to power in August last year and has since governed the country.

The July 2018 election victory of his Pakistan Tehreek e Insaf (movement for justice) was rendered highly controversial by the role allegedly played by agents of state institutions before, during and after votes were cast.

The deployment of soldiers inside polling stations, supposedly to prevent rigging, was widely perceived as interference in the voting process. Subsequent delays by returning officers in communicating results, blamed on the crash of the electronic vote-counting system, was seen by many as evidence that the results were manipulated.

Khan could have forestalled in the fallout of this controversy, had his government focused on implementing its vision of good governance. Instead, he has struggled to get to grips with the economy, which was suffering a balance of payments crisis due to the import-driven boom created by the outgoing administration.

The government dithered for most of its first fiscal year in office, before agreeing to an austerity programme insisted upon by the International Monetary Fund, and Pakistan’s other major creditors, China and Saudi Arabia.

The results have been disastrous.

Spending on development has been slashed. A staggered 50 per cent devaluation of the rupee against the dollar has driven up inflation to eleven percent from four percent. And an accompanying series of interest rate hikes have more than doubled the cost of borrowing to over 13 percent. Unsurprisingly, GDP growth had slumped to 3.3 per cent from 5.8 per cent.

For Pakistanis, this has meant considerably higher utility and grocery bills and widespread job losses. Khan’s political opponents are banking that the economic recession will seal his fate. As the downturn deepens, public hostility towards Khan will grow.

To escape being tarred with the same brush as Khan, the opposition hopes the military will distance and eventually desert his government.

But that will do little, if anything, to prevent Pakistan from entering yet another cycle of self-destructive politicking.

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints and editorial policies of TRT World.

We welcome all pitches and submissions to TRT World Opinion – please send them via email, to opinion.editorial@trtworld.com

@The Deterrent @GURU DUTT @The Eagle

 

[The Eagle]

https://www.trtworld.com/opinion/pakistan-s-institutional-rigmarole-31783

Pakistan's executive, judiciary and military have found themselves on a collision course, and Imran Khan's government might bear the brunt of the impact.
For the past month, Pakistanis have been glued to their television screens, watching a farcical power struggle between state institutions and other political stakeholders.

The floodgates were opened in early November by a sit-in led by Pakistan’s leading cleric-politician, Maulana Fazlur Rehman. A veteran of anti-government movements dating back to the 1980s, Rehman calculated that the way to undermine Prime Minister Imran Khan was to target the military - widely viewed as his backers. He repeatedly called for Khan’s resignation in daily speeches replete with references to the forced imposition of an incompetent government.

The 13-day sit-in was a high-risk strategy, considering the generals’ renowned intolerance for criticism, but it worked. The state was obviously worried that Rehman’s tens of thousands of supporters, drawn from a nationwide network of seminaries, could riot if provoked. So, instead of confronting them, government and military representatives negotiated with Rehman.

Shortly afterwards, momentum built for the release of imprisoned ex-prime minister Nawaz Sharif, whose health had dangerously deteriorated while in the custody of the government’s dreaded National Accountability Bureau. This gave rise to speculation that Sharif might die from other-than-natural causes.

Again, fearing public disorder, the state caved in to pressure to let him travel overseas for medical treatment.

This infuriated Khan, and his ministers, for whom cracking down against the alleged corruption of his predecessors has been the hallmark of their “Naya (new) Pakistan” project. Ultimately, the political machinations driving the anti-corruption campaign were exposed by a secretly-shot video in which an accountability judge admitted to convicting Sharif under duress. The judge was subsequently sacked.

Nonetheless, the government tried to prevent Sharif from travelling for medical treatment by demanding that he submit a $44 million bond. This was thrown out by the superior judiciary, which had disqualified Sharif from holding public office two years ago and has overseen accountability court proceedings against him.

At this point, Khan and his ministers began criticising the judiciary, earning a public rebuke from Chief Justice Asif Khosa. Influential Urdu newspaper columnists also began to hint that Khan was attempting to stand up to the military.

Days later, Khosa staged an extraordinary intervention. Acting on a lawyer’s petition, the chief justice questioned the grounds for the government’s decision to extend the tenure of powerful army chief of staff Gen Qamar Javed Bajwa.

The court suspended the administrative order and explored technical loopholes, but the manner in which the judges ridiculed the government during the hearing raised eyebrows across Pakistan.

Meanwhile, a special court hearing a treason case against the former military dictator, ex-president Pervez Musharraf, came close to passing a verdict, despite the Khan administration’s attempt to halt proceedings.

These judicial actions gave the distinct impression that the judges were preparing to confront state institutions, as it had during the lawyers’ movement against Musharraf’s rule.

Throughout these strange events, Pakistanis steadily lost their fear of being prosecuted for criticising state institutions on state media. Khan was mocked for failing Bajwa, but most derogatory remarks targeted the army chief of staff by name.

During the Supreme Court’s hearing this week, critical hashtags saying things like “extension unacceptable” were attracting up to 100,000 tweets a day.

This is unprecedented. Army chiefs have previously been criticised after retiring, not while at the height of their powers.

The net outcomes of this are plain for all to see. Prime Minister Imran Khan’s 15-month-old administration has lost credibility and may struggle to survive the duration of 2020. In the process, Khan’s biggest backer, Gen Bajwa, has also been stripped of his aura of invincibility.

Pakistan’s two most important men are paying the price for how Khan rose to power in August last year and has since governed the country.

The July 2018 election victory of his Pakistan Tehreek e Insaf (movement for justice) was rendered highly controversial by the role allegedly played by agents of state institutions before, during and after votes were cast.

The deployment of soldiers inside polling stations, supposedly to prevent rigging, was widely perceived as interference in the voting process. Subsequent delays by returning officers in communicating results, blamed on the crash of the electronic vote-counting system, was seen by many as evidence that the results were manipulated.

Khan could have forestalled in the fallout of this controversy, had his government focused on implementing its vision of good governance. Instead, he has struggled to get to grips with the economy, which was suffering a balance of payments crisis due to the import-driven boom created by the outgoing administration.

The government dithered for most of its first fiscal year in office, before agreeing to an austerity programme insisted upon by the International Monetary Fund, and Pakistan’s other major creditors, China and Saudi Arabia.

The results have been disastrous.

Spending on development has been slashed. A staggered 50 per cent devaluation of the rupee against the dollar has driven up inflation to eleven percent from four percent. And an accompanying series of interest rate hikes have more than doubled the cost of borrowing to over 13 percent. Unsurprisingly, GDP growth had slumped to 3.3 per cent from 5.8 per cent.

For Pakistanis, this has meant considerably higher utility and grocery bills and widespread job losses. Khan’s political opponents are banking that the economic recession will seal his fate. As the downturn deepens, public hostility towards Khan will grow.

To escape being tarred with the same brush as Khan, the opposition hopes the military will distance and eventually desert his government.

But that will do little, if anything, to prevent Pakistan from entering yet another cycle of self-destructive politicking.

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints and editorial policies of TRT World.

We welcome all pitches and submissions to TRT World Opinion – please send them via email, to opinion.editorial@trtworld.com

@The Deterrent @GURU DUTT @The Eagle

When you have no reason to tag, that means in-fact you are spamming.
Avoid doing so without any reason or mention. Furthermore, we have plenty of threads on this single political matter so you can utilize existing topics unless you are spamming the Forum.

Regards,