Khalids
FULL MEMBER
- Joined
- Jun 5, 2009
- Messages
- 340
- Reaction score
- 0
Nehru was draftsman of partition
Kanchan Gupta | New Delhi
There are now no more points left to score; all have already been scored, no great issues of partition left to resolve, except one: An ability to understand what, after all, did this partition achieve? Jaswant Singh asks in the closing chapter of his new book, Jinnah - India, Partition, Independence, scheduled to be released on August 17. He then answers the question, Other than constant pain and the suffering of crores of humans, all around, which has now finally moulded itself into a kind of a sealed and an abrasive continuity. This has become ours, Indias proverbial cross
The 654-page book is a political biography of the founder of Pakistan, what Jaswant Singh describes as the epic journey of Mohammed Ali Jinnah from being the ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity to the Quaid-e-Azam of Pakistan. It is also the senior BJP leaders personal journey of discovery he has accessed, used and presented a wealth of documents, including those in the custody of Pakistan. While doing so, he has been cautious not to tread the path to controversy.
In its opening pages, the book provides a grand sweep of Indias encounter with Islam, cuts to the uprising of 1857, and then to the freedom struggle. Here onwards, it is the story of Jinnah the constitutionalist seeking a place for himself on the stage of national politics, dominated by Jawaharlal Nehru and crowded by Mohandas Karamchand Gandhis favoured men and women in the Congress. And how, having failed to secure that place, Jinnah increasingly turned towards crafting a constituency of his own the Muslims and, with the help of the Muslim League, appropriated the role of the sole spokesman of the community.
All this, of course, is known. What Jaswant Singh has done is to locate events and situate them in the context of his thesis: Had the Congress, especially Nehru, been far-sighted and more accommodative towards Jinnah, India would not have been partitioned. After all, to quote from the book, Jinnahs opposition was not against the Hindus or Hinduism, it was the Congress that he considered as the true political rival of the Muslim League, and the League he considered as being just an extension of himself.
Jaswant Singh further elaborates this point, The Muslim community for Jinnah became an electoral body; his call for a Muslim nation his political platform; the battles he fought were entirely political between the Muslim League and the Congress; Pakistan was his political demand over which he and the Muslim League could rule. But Jinnahs idea of Pakistan never quite worked out the way he thought it would. He died soon after getting his moth-eaten Pakistan and before he could mould his idea into an identity. That task was undertaken years later by Gen Zia-ul-Haq through his Islamisation programme.
Jinnah was, to my mind, fundamentally in error proposing Muslims as a separate nation, writes Jaswant Singh, which is why he was so profoundly wrong when he simultaneously spoke of lasting peace, amity and accord with India after the emergence of Pakistan; that simply could not be. But Jinnah alone was not to blame. The West played a devious role to create a perch for itself in the sub-continent. And, Nehru did not oppose the two-nation theory vigorously enough.
It is in the false minority syndrome that the dry rot of partition first set in, and then unstoppably it afflicted the entire structure, the magnificent edifice of a united India. The answer (cure?), Jinnah asserted, lay only in parting, and Nehru and Patel and others of the Congress also finally agreed, writes Jaswant Singh.
Seeking to strike a fine balance, Jaswant Singh has let history as it unfolded since 1930 speak for itself, but that hasnt prevented Nehru from emerging bruised. For him, Nehru, was one of the principal architects, in reality the draftsman of Indias partition who began questioning himself, his actions, his thoughts soon enough. Jinnah died too soon to re-examine what he had done but he too had begun to recognise the enormity of this partition His pre-1947 statements and the often quoted 11 August 1947 speech are in reality but indicators of his thoughts, not any definition.
Those with a discerning eye will interpret this statement in an entirely different context.
The Pioneer > Online Edition : >> ?Nehru was draftsman of partition?
Kanchan Gupta | New Delhi
There are now no more points left to score; all have already been scored, no great issues of partition left to resolve, except one: An ability to understand what, after all, did this partition achieve? Jaswant Singh asks in the closing chapter of his new book, Jinnah - India, Partition, Independence, scheduled to be released on August 17. He then answers the question, Other than constant pain and the suffering of crores of humans, all around, which has now finally moulded itself into a kind of a sealed and an abrasive continuity. This has become ours, Indias proverbial cross
The 654-page book is a political biography of the founder of Pakistan, what Jaswant Singh describes as the epic journey of Mohammed Ali Jinnah from being the ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity to the Quaid-e-Azam of Pakistan. It is also the senior BJP leaders personal journey of discovery he has accessed, used and presented a wealth of documents, including those in the custody of Pakistan. While doing so, he has been cautious not to tread the path to controversy.
In its opening pages, the book provides a grand sweep of Indias encounter with Islam, cuts to the uprising of 1857, and then to the freedom struggle. Here onwards, it is the story of Jinnah the constitutionalist seeking a place for himself on the stage of national politics, dominated by Jawaharlal Nehru and crowded by Mohandas Karamchand Gandhis favoured men and women in the Congress. And how, having failed to secure that place, Jinnah increasingly turned towards crafting a constituency of his own the Muslims and, with the help of the Muslim League, appropriated the role of the sole spokesman of the community.
All this, of course, is known. What Jaswant Singh has done is to locate events and situate them in the context of his thesis: Had the Congress, especially Nehru, been far-sighted and more accommodative towards Jinnah, India would not have been partitioned. After all, to quote from the book, Jinnahs opposition was not against the Hindus or Hinduism, it was the Congress that he considered as the true political rival of the Muslim League, and the League he considered as being just an extension of himself.
Jaswant Singh further elaborates this point, The Muslim community for Jinnah became an electoral body; his call for a Muslim nation his political platform; the battles he fought were entirely political between the Muslim League and the Congress; Pakistan was his political demand over which he and the Muslim League could rule. But Jinnahs idea of Pakistan never quite worked out the way he thought it would. He died soon after getting his moth-eaten Pakistan and before he could mould his idea into an identity. That task was undertaken years later by Gen Zia-ul-Haq through his Islamisation programme.
Jinnah was, to my mind, fundamentally in error proposing Muslims as a separate nation, writes Jaswant Singh, which is why he was so profoundly wrong when he simultaneously spoke of lasting peace, amity and accord with India after the emergence of Pakistan; that simply could not be. But Jinnah alone was not to blame. The West played a devious role to create a perch for itself in the sub-continent. And, Nehru did not oppose the two-nation theory vigorously enough.
It is in the false minority syndrome that the dry rot of partition first set in, and then unstoppably it afflicted the entire structure, the magnificent edifice of a united India. The answer (cure?), Jinnah asserted, lay only in parting, and Nehru and Patel and others of the Congress also finally agreed, writes Jaswant Singh.
Seeking to strike a fine balance, Jaswant Singh has let history as it unfolded since 1930 speak for itself, but that hasnt prevented Nehru from emerging bruised. For him, Nehru, was one of the principal architects, in reality the draftsman of Indias partition who began questioning himself, his actions, his thoughts soon enough. Jinnah died too soon to re-examine what he had done but he too had begun to recognise the enormity of this partition His pre-1947 statements and the often quoted 11 August 1947 speech are in reality but indicators of his thoughts, not any definition.
Those with a discerning eye will interpret this statement in an entirely different context.
The Pioneer > Online Edition : >> ?Nehru was draftsman of partition?