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Mahatir Mohamad: A doctor in the house

Al Bhatti

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September 7, 2013

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Mahatir Mohamad: A doctor in the house

Mahatir Mohamad is unapolgetic about his cures for Malaysia’s ills

The man who made Malaysia part of the East Asia Miracle with a massive inflow of direct foreign investment doesn’t think much of it today.

Sure, sitting back in his office in the showcase administrative capital he built in the 1990s and one of the mega-projects that helped define his regime, Mahathir Mohammad, the former prime minister who ruled the Muslim state for more than two decades has little time for those who revise his legacy or criticise his way of doing business. And he heaps but scorn on those who would question the success — by whatever means possible — of his Malaysia.

In March, a general election proved racially — sparking a battle within the country’s ruling party that is likely to slow Prime Minister Najeeb Razzak’s drive to reform the economy and roll back policies favouring majority ethnic Malays.

The government does not provide an ethnic breakdown of the population, but Malays make up about 60 per cent of the 28 million people, while Chinese comprise more than 25 per cent. The country also has a significant minority of ethnic Indians.

Barisan won 133 seats in the 222-member parliament, but only 47 per cent of the popular vote, compared to the opposition’s 50 per cent.

“The polarisation in this voting trend worries the government,” Najeeb said. “We are afraid that if this is allowed to continue, it will create tensions.”

Barisan come in for criticism from younger voters for corruption and patronage politics that critics say have been the hallmark of its 56 years in power — and a political dynasty that Mahathir oiled and greased and profited from. Even though he’s been out of office for a decade, Mahathir eagerly defends decisions he made during his 22-year rule that critics say was marred by human rights abuses.

Mahathir, who was one of Asia’s longest-serving leaders when he retired in 2003, maintains that his policies were in the country’s best interests, but says he regrets that “the epithet ‘authoritarian’ appears without fail in all my detractors’ assessments of me”.

“I had tried my best although I cannot be a judge of my own work,” the 85-year-old Mahathir says. “It is up to the people of today and the future to pass judgement.”

His autobiography entitled A Doctor In The House a reference to Mahathir’s former medical career — hit stores in a blaze of publicity.

Mahathir’s typically frank, providing rare glimpses into every phase of his life, from a childhood in a poor northern Malaysian neighbourhood that “verged on being a slum,” with “stinking earth drains and black scum floating on the water”.

His father was a strict schoolteacher who emphasised education, spurring him to study medicine. He became politically active in the 1950s during the twilight of British colonial rule, eventually running for Parliament and winning in 1964.

After nearly 30 years in and out of government, Mahathir became Malaysia’s fourth prime minister in 1981. He claims he was “a highly unlikely candidate” since his predecessors were London-trained lawyers with political pedigrees.

But Mahathir’s rule was focused on bringing his nation from a rubber and tin mining economy into one of Asia’s most industrialised countries. He voices pride that the Petronas Twin Towers were the world’s tallest buildings in the late 1990s and typified his economic drive.

But he remains unapologetic of his choices made during political crises in the 1980s that led to the detention without trial of dozens of opposition activists, the closure of newspapers and other measures that curtailed the independence of the judiciary.

“It is hard to know at such times what is required and reasonable, what is disproportionate and excessive,” Mahathir says. “We had to act, and we did.”

Like when he acted against his deputy, Anwar Ebrahim, in 1998 over accusations of sexual misconduct — a decision that continues to have a tremendous impact on Malaysian politics.

Discriminating policy

Anwar spent six years in prison on sodomy and abuse of power convictions before a court ordered his release. He now leads Malaysia’s opposition and is embroiled in another trial for allegedly sodomising a male aide. He claims all the charges are false.

“Anwar should have been the prime minister of Malaysia today. But if he is not, it is because of his own actions,” Mahathir says. “I may have made many mistakes, but removing Anwar was not one of them.”

Chinese and Indians make up a third of the population but have become increasingly unhappy about an official policy that discriminates against them in favour of majority Malays.

“Yes, it’s worse now,” Mahathir says of the racial divide in Malaysia. “During my time, I could rely on Chinese support for my party. Now the government is threatened with losing Chinese support.”

He noted that his government two decades ago bowed to Chinese demands to have their own schools taught in the Chinese language, and said it showed how accommodating it was to minority races. “Despite having a national [Malay] language, they don’t teach in the national language. They can’t speak the national language.”

But he acknowledged that having separate schools had become a major factor in the racial divide.

“We would like them to come to national schools. We even suggested you can have your Chinese school, you can have your Tamil school, but why not put all three schools on one campus? So they can eat together, they can play together, and each gets to know that in the real world they have to interact with different races. But the Chinese say no. They say if you do that, we won’t support the government.”

Mahathir also ensured Chinese support by doling out government contracts to them and their Malay partners, which critics said encouraged corruption and cronyism. Mahathir’s successors shelved big projects to pare down a widening fiscal deficit, at the cost of Chinese votes, Mahathir said.

“For some reason or another, the moment I stepped down, all the projects were stopped ... When you stop big government projects, a lot of people, well their businesses will go down.”

Mahatir Mohamad: A doctor in the house | GulfNews.com
 
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