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See what I said. You took the bait :p: When did Modi say he is a common man ?
Oh dear You don't even have the slightest idea as to what Feku says.... The following is what he said....

"I did not become chief minister on October 7, 2001. I have always been a CM. I am CM today and shall be CM forever. For me CM means common man. Narendra Modi."

Source: CM means 'Common Man' for Modi - IBNLive
 
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Oh dear You don't even have the slightest idea as to what Feku says.... The following is what he said....

"I did not become chief minister on October 7, 2001. I have always been a CM. I am CM today and shall be CM forever. For me CM means common man. Narendra Modi."

Source: CM means 'Common Man' for Modi - IBNLive

You have toiled so hard and gone to great lengths to dig up that. Kudos to you !

CM means common man, and aam admi means mango man !
 
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You have toiled so hard and gone to great lengths to dig up that. Kudos to you !

CM means common man, and aam admi means mango man !
Naah a google just did the job for me... So Common man can wear 10 Lakh worth suit but Mango man is not even permitted to do a fraction of its spending... Right?
 
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Naah a google just did the job for me... So Common man can wear 10 Lakh worth suit but Mango man is not even permitted to do a fraction of its spending... Right?

Do you how aap originated ? Do you the know the founding principles of the party ? Why would you remember. Kejri himself has forgotten.
 
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@IndoCarib Since everyone of us has forgotten our principles, Can you remind them for me?

Do you how aap originated ? Do you the know the founding principles of the party ? Why would you remember. Kejri himself has forgotten.
Since we don't remember our founding principles, can you remind us?
 
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@IndoCarib Since everyone of us has forgotten our principles, Can you remind them for me?


Since we don't remember our founding principles, can you remind us?
Thats becoz you were never an AAP supporter to begin with. You were a Congie with a morbid hatred for Modi due to religious reasons. You give a damn about corruption or bad governance. You will blindly support even a donkey if it stands against Modi/BJP and start justifying its actions.
 
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Thats becoz you were never an AAP supporter to begin with. You were a Congie with a morbid hatred for Modi due to religious reasons. You give a damn about corruption or bad governance. You will blindly support even a donkey if it stands against Modi/BJP and start justifying its actions.
Really? Can you come up with evidence to support your accusations? If you are unable to, please don't quote me since I seldom reply to baseless allegations....
 
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Saturday, January 31, 2015
Delhi Polls - Why the Media backed 'Opinion' Polls are Misleading?

It is as if AAP has got hold of some 'Bramhastra'. The party which was predicted to go into an oblivion post Delhi Assembly elections 2015, not 2 months ago, is now suddenly being hailed as a sure shot winner by its all time Cheer Leaders, the Indian mainstream Media. What exactly changed in the last 2 months? What trick did BJP miss? I would try to analyze how much of it is true and trustworthy, but before all of this a short note on who this election is really fought between.

Battle Royale

It will be quite incorrect to say this fight is between BJP and AAP (not because Congress is a non entity here). It would also be incorrect to say that this fight is between 2 individuals Bedi vs Kejriwal or Modi vs AAP or Kejriwal vs Shah etc. In real terms, BJP had lost the fight even before it began. BJP had no answer to AAP's carpet bombing. Thousands of energized AAP volunteers swarmed the city and visited every potential household, they assessed, might vote for them. In contrast BJP was relying on Modi rallies and eventually paid a good price for sitting idle. However their supporters were not silent and campaigned aggressively both in Social media and on Ground. On the other hand, AAP, despite having a strong campaign was not taken well by the voters. They had help, from the Media. Media played one giant role in negating the perception of 'Bhagoda' about Kejriwal. Moments back an 'independent' journalist in ABP news said AAP completed all its promises (free bijli, free water) except Lokpal and when it could not pass Lokpal, it left the govt. due to moral reasons. Now how true is that? Did AAP not leave for Kejriwal's Prime Ministerial ambitions? So in a way it would not be wrong to say that in effect, Delhi elections are between Indian Media and BJP supporters with AAP and BJP acting as the face of these two entities.

Lutyens dominated Media supports AAP as it is their last resort to undermine their nemesis, Modi. Not for no reasons have these opinion polls sprung up, hailing Kejriwal to be heading for a sweeping victory. Let's analyze these polls from an electoral viewpoint.

Story the numbers tell

How did the parties fair in last 2 polls
AS 2013 - BJP 33%, AAP 30%, Congress 25%
LS 2014 - BJP 47%, AAP 33%, Congress 15%

To naked eyes, it may appear that both BJP and AAP gained at the expense of Congress and Others, with BJP gaining more in the Lok Sabha elections, compared to the Assembly. However this is not true. Various sampling experiments reveal that AAP lost a SIGNIFICANT chunk of voters to BJP, especially the educated and/or middle class voters who were fed up with the AAP theatrics. This could be as high as 10% of the voters base. Some of these would also include voters who voted Kejriwal for CM but wanted Modi as PM. So the new figures should have been BJP 43%, AAP 20% and Congress 25% but the story does not end here. BJP would also gain some votes from Congress (~2% due to National Anti Incumbency) and Others (~2% due to BJP being a National party). On the other hand, many Congress floater voters (who were/are anti BJP) would not have voted AAP in Assembly thinking it to be a wastage would have considered AAP as a more viable Anti BJP alternative in Lok Sabha, so as high as 8% of them would migrate to AAP. AAP would also gain 5% from the 'Others' section as historically, these voters were neither fond of BJP nor Congress. So rightfully the number read 47%, 33% and 15%. So it is conclusive that AAP did lose a huge chunk of votes in the Lok Sabha.

The Loyal Voter Base

Each party has a dedicated votebase.
BJP - If one analyzes BJP's voteshare across elections, it has hovered around 33% to 52% in last few terms, and never went below 33% (at the peak of AAP wave) in the last two and a half decades decade. So it is safe to assume, BJP has a loyal vote base of 30% in Delhi

Congress - Congress has degrown since 2009 Lok Sabha elections in Delhi. Their low of 25% in Assembly 2013 was soon eclipsed by a new low of 15% in Lok Sabha 2014. Despite that fact that Congress was a loser in Assembly and a sure shot loser in 2014, 15% still held on to it. However some of these may realize that voting a losing entity is going to be futile and except for a few scattered pockets, Congress' story is all but over this time, so atleast a 1/3rd of the voters, the educated and the less emotional one would desert Congress, pegged at around 5%. So the loyal votebase for Congress is 10%

AAP - There are very few elections to analyze AAP's loyal base but the 2 elections DO give a story. As mentioned earlier, a huge chunk (as high as 10%) deserted AAP in Lok Sabha. However 20% of them still hung on to the party, despite its failures, theatrics and over ambitiousness. So AAP loyal vote base forms of 20%

Others - Small parties like BSP, INLD, SP etc have their pockets of influence in the city. Add to it the independents. The others vote share was around 5% in Lok Sabha and 12% in Assembly, which is understandable given that voters tend to polarize towards known parties in Lok Sabha elections than in Assembly. Also due to the higher number of seats in Assembly (70 to 7), the number of Independents with localized influence increase in an Assembly election. Hence the others would have a Loyal vote base of 10%.

Total Loyal Vote Base = 30% + 10% + 20% + 10% = 70%

The Floater Voter Base
These are the voters who would decide the fate of this election or any election for that matter. In 2013 and 2014 and even before that, these voters have shifted their allegiances across parties. But who are these voters and who are they likely to vote this time and for what reason? Let us try to further segregate these voters into segments and try to analyze which way they would vote.

1. Young Urban women (3%) - Aged between 18 to 35, they are approximately 3% in number. This does not mean that there are just 5% women in Delhi between the age of 18 and 35. This means that those women who do not have any party loyalty are approximately 3%
Who did they vote in 2013? - Possibly AAP
Who will they vote in 2014? - Possibly BJP
Who will they vote in 2015? - Possibly BJP
Driving Reason - Face of Kiran Bedi and issues related to women
Is there a swing compared to 2014 - No

2. Non Anti BJP Minorities (6%) - This group comprises mostly of voters who are not hostile to BJP and can vote to any party which they perceive would raise there issues
Who did they vote in 2013? AAP, BJP, Congress in that order
Who did they vote in 2014? BJP, AAP, Congress in that order
Who will they vote in 2015? AAP BJP Congress in that order
Driving Reason - BJP govt. did some work for them bu not enough to be perceived
Is there a swing compared to 2014 - Yes

3 Rural Settlers population, working class (5%) - This is the group which comprises of rural class (excluding above 2 categories)
Who did they vote in 2013? Congress, BJP, AAP in that order
Who did they vote in 2014? BJP, Congress, AAP in that order
Who will they vote in 2015? BJP, AAP, Congress in that order
Driving Reason - BJP's promise of rehab and growing pro poor image
Is there a swing compared to 2014 - Yes for AAP, No for BJP

4 Poor and weaker sections (11%) - The group of people who represent the poorest of the poor who lack even the basic facilities.
Who did they vote in 2013? AAP, Congress, BJP in that order
Who did they vote in 2014? AAP, BJP, Congress in that order
Who will they vote in 2015? AAP, BJP, Congress in that order
Driving Reason - AAP has been successful in convincing this set of voters and hence will get a major chunk of it
Is there a swing compared to 2014 - No

5 Others (5%) - The remaining population who are mostly in the outer areas of Delhi.
Who did they vote in 2013? BJP, Congress, AAP in that order
Who did they vote in 2014? BJP, Congress, AAP in that order
Who will they vote in 2015? BJP AAP, Congress in that order
Driving Reason - AAP was limited to the city region in 2013 but has now penetrated into the outskirts
Is there a swing compared to 2014 - Yes

The above 5 categories are mutually exclusive among themselves and one is not present in the 2nd. However these 5 categories are not exhaustive and would also be present in the 'loyal' voter base of the respective parties.

The partywise takeway of floater base would be

BJP - 1.5%+2%+2.5%+3%+2.5% = 11.5%
Congress - 0%+1%+0.5%+0.5%+0.5% = 2.5%
AAP - 1.5%+3%+2%+7.5%+2% = 16%

AAP would walk away with the majority of floater vote base as per my analysis, BJP a close 2nd and Congress not in the picture. The total voteshare would hence look like
BJP - 30+11.5 = 41.5%
Congress - 10+2.5 = 12.5%
AAP - 20+16 = 36%
Others - 10%

At a this vote share (BJP 41.5%, AAP, 36%, Congress 12.5%, Others 10%), the seats tally should hover around
BJP - 50-54
AAP - 12-16
Congress - 1-5
Others - 0-2

Hence the Media run Opinion Polls with the story of sudden surge of Kejriwal should be taken with a sack of salt.

To conclude, this is just an individual analysis without backing of any segregated sample survey. So it is possible that the analysis might not hold true during the counting day and results are quite different from what is stated here. However if logic is to be believed, the results should not be much different from what is stated here. What happens eventually will be known that day, for Indian voters have a knack of giving surprising results.

what is in a name?: Delhi Polls - Why the Media backed 'Opinion' Polls are Misleading?
 
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All this analysis for and against any party forgets that the Delhi public loves to make shutiyas out of pollsters, last few election are reminders of this.
Best idea is to read the final poll results.
 
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Assi ghats of ganga being cleaned , work is still in progress.....:smitten::smitten::smitten:
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10461970_10153539509350898_8034243579258741664_n.jpg


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WTF !!!! ........ Assi Ghat is clean !

Modi Magic. I never thought i would live to see the day. :tup:
 
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WTF !!!! ........ Assi Ghat is clean !

Modi Magic. I never thought i would live to see the day. :tup:

do post some pictures

Part 3: Delhi,The State of Being

Hazaron Saal Nargis Apni Benoori Pe Roti Hai
Bari Mushkil Se Hota Hai Chaman Mein Didahwar Paida


– Iqbal
[For a thousand years the narcissus has been lamenting its blindness;
With great difficulty the one with true vision is born in the garden.]

Main tho chaandi ki jooti maar kar vote loonga” (I will win by the sheer force of money power) was one of the favourite brags of Bawa Bachittar Singh a future mayor of Delhi in the run-up to the very first 1951 assembly elections to the city-state.

Bawa Bachittar Singh was the official Congress candidate from Pahargunj area which was classified as Jhandewalan assembly seat in the 1952 assembly elections and was well-known to be a part of the Nehru-Coterie in the then recently independent Delhi.

In fact, Bawa Bachittar Singh’s wealth and power was so overwhelming that he was often described in the local press as the “uncrowned king of Delhi” and, consequently, he was among the front-runners to be the next Chief Minister of the city-state.

A carpenter by profession and a man who had made his own destiny in the city of Peshawar where he had revived a dying school and established the Salwan Sanatan Dharam High School in 1942, but who was later forced to flee Pakistan as a Hindu refugee, Girdhari Lal Salwan was the refugee, who had taken on Bawa Bachittar Singh as the Bharatiya Jana Sangh candidate in that 1951 assembly election for Delhi.

The whole of Delhi was expecting Bawa Bachittar Singh to simply crush Salwan in what was then dubbed as a non-contest.

In fact, it is recorded by one of Girdharilal’s biographers that Bawa Bachittar Singh had grown so arrogant that he had once, during the election campaign, openly advised Mr. Salwan,You are a Brahmin, you just look after your school and daily prayers. Don’t get into the murky and expensive business of politics and elections”.

But Delhi had the gumption to surprise even in that era of no television or social media. Girdhari Lal Salwan emerged victorious by less than 300 votes and Bawa Bachittar Singh had to suffer the shock of his life as a newly independent Delhi chose a refugee over Congress’s “chaandi ki jooti”.

For the next 40-odd years, the Delhi assembly was abolished and it was converted into a metropolitan council, but when Delhi regained its assembly status in 1993, the first Chief Minister to assume office was once again a refugee from Pakistan, Madan Lal Khurana.

To that extent, Delhi has always been a city of refugees and migrants. At first, it was all those Pakistani Hindus, who were driven out of the country – just after 1947, Delhi with a population of 9 lakhs then, received 470000 refugees from western Punjab and Sindh.

Then, in the post-partition years, many other migrants started moving into Delhi from other parts of India mainly from UP and other North Indian states in search of livelihood. Since 80’s and 90’s, after Calcutta lost its lustre, Biharis have been migrating in large numbers to Delhi – Biharis who constituted merely 19% of the migrant population in the 70’s had increased up to 33% by 1991.



In the last two odd decades, the demographic composition of Delhi has undergone a sea change. A city that was once dominated by Punjabis (especially after the migration due to partition) is today a mix of various other hues like Poorvanchalis, Paharis, Jats and Gujjars.

In this sense, unlike other big cities of India that have a core ethnic identity – Marathi soul of Mumbai or the agitational Bengali heart of Kolkata – Delhi is a truly cosmopolitan city-state with no particular group dominating her.

Any electoral analysis of Delhi wouldn’t be complete without understanding the sub-regional variations. In the 2013 elections, urban Delhi was at the heart of AAP’s meteoric rise, where the party had won 50% of its seats.

Yet, by the time we witnessed the 2014 LS polls, the same AAP was wiped out of urban Delhi where the party secured leads in only 1 out of 20 assembly segments in New Delhi and Chandni Chowk. The middle classes and urban voters had been disillusioned by Kejriwal’s 49-day non-governance. Thus, AAP had moved more to the poorer parts of Delhi and also to the periphery.

Another aspect of AAP’s phenomenal rise last time was the party’s tremendous traction in the reserved category seats where it won 9 out of 12 contests and BJP was restricted only to 2 SC MLAs. This time there are two factors to watch out for.

First, BJP under Amit Shah has made very strong efforts in wooing Dalits and backward castes of Delhi by even inducting a long time Congresswoman like Krishna Tirath. Second, AAP’s freshness quotient is much lower this time and the party is facing quite a bit of localized anti-incumbency in at least 6 of the SC reserved constituencies.

For instance, Patel Nagar, where AAP has replaced its very unpopular super-rich sitting MLA, Veena Anand, a Jatav, with a Khatig, Hazari lal Chauhan who is himself facing regular local barbs in an anti-dowry case is a typical example of a party that is trying too hard to play the sub-caste game and instead finding itself in a soup.

There are roughly 20 lakh Dalit voters in Delhi, who are being wooed by both BJP and AAP meticulously this time. In fact, our own poll survey surprised us where it seemed BJP had found favour from almost as many Dalit respondents as AAP.

This changing dynamic of AAP-type agitational politics is a very clear example of how the Delhi electoral landscape is now reflecting the reality of January 2015. AAP is now as much a regular political party as others in the fray and voters cannot really make any distinction as they did last time.

Take the case of a high profile constituency like Patparganj, where Manish Sisodhia is facing his own former party colleague, Vinod Kumar Binny as the challenger. It is no longer a walk over for Sisodhia as BJP is putting all-out efforts in giving him a tough fight, especially in wooing Poorvanchalis and Paharis, who had voted for the saffron party in large numbers in the summer of 2014.

BJP’s consistent growth among the Poorvanchalis, Paharis and Punjabis over the last couple of years was then complimented by its tremendous traction in urban Delhi in the LS polls. Congress on the other hand has been in consistent decline throughout all demographics which may have now extended to even Muslims. Yet, Congress may still make an impact in these elections by playing a spoilsport third player in the fold which may affect the swing factor.

One of the least analysed aspects in Indian elections is the swing factor which becomes even more important now in Delhi because of back-to-back contests over the last year or so. The rise of AAP in Delhi in 2013 was powered by the urban population of Central Delhi, viz. New Delhi and Chandni Chowk areas, from where AAP had won maximum seats in 2013.

The swing factor here is interesting to note in comparison to the LS polls. In the 10 seats of Chandni Chowk, AAP had secured a total vote-share of 32% in December 2013, which remained consistent even in the LS polls of April 2014 when the party retained 31% vote-share.

BJP which was on equal footing with AAP in December 2013 at 31% vote-share had taken a quantum leap towards 45% in the LS polls. This is where, we see the limitation of AAP’s growth in contrast to BJP’s tremendous rise which is also reflected in our poll survey.


A 12.5% swing in favour of the BJP from 2013 December to 2014 April had resulted in the saffron party winning 28 more seats which meant more than 2 seats for every percentile increase in vote-share.


AAP which had actually gained 4.5% vote share had managed to lose 19 seats within those same 4 months. Our vote-share projections for the upcoming assembly elections based on our survey findings until now suggest that BJP is gaining 7% as compared to the last assembly elections but losing some 5% as compared to its overwhelming performance in the LS polls. On the other hand, AAP has remained more-or-less static in that 30 to 33% range.



Converting these vote-swings into actual seat-shares has been one of the shortcomings that we at 5Forty3 datalabs have been grappling with. As there are no fool-proof mathematical constructs to derive seat-shares from vote-share data in a complex electoral geography like India, we have been constantly trying to improve our statistical modelling techniques. After a long struggle, we have made some progress in this direction as we are finally very close to a tentative model for solving this tricky problem.

Although a detailed research paper on a statistical model for converting vote-shares to seats will be presented later in accordance with our consultant statistician Prof L. Shrikant, here we present some basic tenets pertaining to our present survey of Delhi.

In the past, most of our seat-share derivatives were based on percentage data, but now as more and more robust raw data becomes available, we are essentially using direct vote-patterns to arrive at seat projections. Here we are presenting a simpler version for interpreting data in the present context.

For instance in Delhi, assuming that 82 lakh people exercise their franchise on February 7th, the average median turnout in the 70 constituencies would be roughly 1 lakh 18 thousand. Considering BJP for the current example, we can project that the party could secure around 33 lakh votes in Delhi.

Now extrapolating the 2013 data, we can assign a median figure of 48000 votes for those seats that BJP has to win (i.e. BJP should get at least an average of 48k votes to win a seat), 35000 median votes for those seats where the party will be in runner-up position, 24000 median votes for those seats where BJP would be in the third position and so on and so forth.

We can thus distribute projected raw votes of all the parties to arrive at different seat matrices to get maximum and minimum possible seat-shares for each individual party.

The different seat matrices are then parsed through sub-regional (in the case of Delhi, the three subdivisions) vote-strengths of different parties to arrive at a more robust final number. Based on the vote-share projections of our survey findings reported yesterday, here is what the next Delhi assembly should resemble.



One of the aspects that we analysed yesterday was regarding Congress party’s transformation as a sub-regional micro-electoral player. This is what we may see in Delhi too. In fact, this is the only way that opposition can challenge the almost hegemonic rise of the BJP, by having secret sub-regional, seat by seat understanding among the opposition parties in the last days leading up to the campaign.

This strategy did succeed in Maharashtra where reportedly all the three parties (Shiv Sena, Congress and NCP) had reached some understanding among themselves for a few seats which prevented BJP from winning an outright majority.
[These are rumours, I confirmed them with a few friends in maharashtra who stated that there were no tacit alliances b/w any parties, but in some consitiuencies, these were tacit alliances b/w candidates where 2 or more parties came together to defeat 1 party(BJP+SS+Cong against NCP) (SS+BJP against Congress) etc etc]


In an urban milieu like Delhi transferring votes at the last moment may not be easy, but Congress can leverage its position as a micro-sub-regional player and have some sort of an understanding with AAP where it may try and withdraw its candidates from the fight in order to defeat BJP.


In today’s India, fighting an election in coalition with Congress can be detrimentally counterproductive, so the only logical way forward is to try and leverage opposition vote-bases in a covert way.

[The second 5Forty3-Swarajya survey would be conducted from February 1st to February 5th when we shall see how the vote-shift patterns have been affected in the immediate vicinity of polling day.]

@jha @JanjaWeed @sancho @wolfschanzze @Prometheus @abingdongboy @Sidak @ soumitra @Marxist @heisenberg @Roybot @Jason bourne

Both AAP's & BJP's campign in Delhi has gained full steam & on the result day everybody is gonna be surprised
 
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Wow. Impressive indeed. I hope they put in proper number of dustbins and also punish/deter people from messing it up.
 
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Wow. Impressive indeed. I hope they put in proper number of dustbins and also punish/deter people from messing it up.

When people are inspired by outstanding leadership, then punishment is not required. People take PRIDE in doing the right thing. That is what self belief and self confidence does to you.

Modi zindabad.
 
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