Elections 2019.

[Mage]

So you think BNP simply will boycott again and bring pressure to bear in an all out way (for caretaker govt + actual credible election etc). Regarding the pressure, what new things can BNP do, given nothing really changed the course for SHW this term?



Has there been example of BNP going against its leader directive on such an important issue? Won't it be pretty much an internal coup? This is literally all or nothing position.

The only election BNP boycotted was the last one. And it was on the direction of Khaleda Zia. Although in 2006-7 some BNP and AL members tried to oust both Khaleda and Hasina with the backing of then caretaker govt. Which was unsuccessful.

 

[Luffy 500]

@Banglar Bir @idune @Al-zakir I think BNP and the whole opposition at large is barking up the wrong tree. The main problem in BD is the electoral system and NOT CTG system. Yes if elections are held by archaic british invented FPTP system, then yes fair election is NOT possible without CTG. SO why not just change the way we hold election to begin with? The FPTP system is highly unfair and prone to rigging. If simple plurality votes gets MPs elected in parliament , then there is a strong incentive to rig election. Its creates a all or nothing mentality and is just not suitable for a country like BD. After all why should a party with just 40% votes get to rule over the 60% who did NOT vote for it? Just stuffing 500 extra ballots may make difference between winning & loosing and rigging 500 votes is child's play. Countries throughout the world are moving away from this british era unfair FPTP system of voting and are opting for proportional representation system. Rather than demanding CT system, they (BNP) should argue for some kind of proportional representation electoral system as practiced in most of the countries of world (Latin america, Western Europe, Japan, Turkey, Tunisia, Taiwan etc etc). The PR system is much fairer and has some inherent immunity to rigging. But it won't guarantee BNP or any other party , an absolute majority in parliament and would force them to form coalition with smaller parties. Its good for multi party system and enforces a consensus based governance while at the same time would prevent tyrany of any single political party.Its something BNP should seriously think about. A PR system won't require a CTG government IMHO. But BNP is run by incompetent nincompoops and BD's fossilized political culture does NOT allow outside the box thinking.

@Al-zakir @Saiful Islam @Luffy 500 @T-Rex @monitor

Your comments on Khaleda Zia statements?

I do not know. She is right about the fact that a free & fair election is NOT possible under SHW but I am not sure what's their plan this time around to force their justifiable demands through this very obnoxious and tyrannical regime. Its super easy to rig in FPTP election system as practiced in BD. But As @Al-zakir said BNP has nothing to lose actually.

However having said all that - A shift to PR system of election would remove need for CTG gov IMHO. But apparently neither of the 2 major parties are even talking about that.

 

[Nilgiri]

The PR system is much fairer and has some inherent immunity to rigging.

Also the turnout is helped a lot I would imagine. People that otherwise feel disenfranchised (because say they live in electoral district where their party can numerically never win) have their vote count for something (since only national tally will matter rather than first past the post locally), so they are more inclined to vote given the district performance does not matter so much.

The one drawback with PR system is that politicians will simply prioritise campaigning in the large populated areas only and may ignore the hinterlands/rural areas....so urban demands/high pop state demands end up taking precedence (tyranny of majority) in the long run federally. Hence why the US sticks to its electoral college system so there is a need to be broad based in policy to some degree...also why FPTP works in India case to large extent too.

But for BD which has high population density to begin with and does not really have hinterlands etc given its size nor much need for state resolution like in case of India, I see little reason to have high resolution first past the post system. Just make it PR for whatever scale of govt you are voting for (nationwide, bibhag, upazila, city etc).

But of course its like free market reform, the current two beneficiaries (duopolistic oligarchs) will resist it mightily (hence we see no political system reform debate even). Their power base and strategy only gets eroded long term...they dont put their country above all so there is nothing really in it for them. They gain by optically make it black and white issue and only have people vote for one of them and winner takes all format....rather than coalition style govts. Honestly will one of two Titans prevailing over the other lead to opportunity for a revolution in BD? Hard to say...because BD people seem to be fine letting BAL get away with this BS.

 

[Banglar Bir]

‘আগামী নির্বাচনে পুলিশ থাকবে নিরপেক্ষ’
"Police will stay Neutral during next Elections"IGP

পুলিশের মহাপরিদর্শক একেএম শহীদুল হক (ফাইল ছবি)
জাতীয় ঢাকা
November 27, 2017
পুলিশের মহাপরিদর্শক একেএম শহীদুল হক বলেছেন, বিগত নয় বছর ধরে পুলিশ সম্পূর্ণ নিরপেক্ষভাবে স্থানীয় সরকার নির্বাচনে দায়িত্ব পালন করেছে। আগামী দিনেও পুলিশ নিরপেক্ষভাবে নির্বাচনী দায়িত্ব পালন করবে।

আজ শরীয়তপুরে সাংবাদিকদের সঙ্গে আলাপকালে আইজিপি এসব কথা বলেন। এর আগে বাংলাদেশ পুলিশ উইমেন নেটওর্য়াক এর নবম প্রতিষ্ঠাবার্ষিকী ও ঢাকা রেঞ্জ ও মেট্রোপলিটন নারী পুলিশ সদস্যদের আঞ্চলিক মত বিনিময় সভায় প্রধান অতিথি হিসেবে যোগ দেন আইজিপি।

আইজিপি বলেন, বিগত নয় বছরে যতগুলো স্থানীয় সরকারের নির্বাচন হয়েছে আইনশৃঙ্খলা বাহিনী সম্পূর্ণ নিরপেক্ষভাবে কাজ করেছে। নির্বাচন কমিশনের নির্দেশন মতে তাদের অধীনে থেকে নিরপেক্ষ ভূমিকা পালন করেছে। আগামী রংপুর সিটি করপোরেশন নির্বাচনসহ যেকোনো নির্বাচন যাতে সুষ্ঠুভাবে ভোটাররা ভোট দিতে পারে সেই পরিবেশ সৃষ্টি করবো। যে অপরাধ করবে তাকেই আইনের আওতায় আনা হবে। এতে কে ছাত্রলীগ ও কে ছাত্রদল দেখা হবে না।

বাংলাদেশ পুলিশ উইমেন নেটওয়ার্কের সভাপতি ও পুলিশ উপমহাপরিদর্শক মিলি বিশ্বাসের সভাপতিত্বে বক্তব্য দেন পুলিশ মহাপরিদর্শক একেএম শহীদুল হকের স্ত্রী ও পুনাক সভানেত্রী শামসুন্নাহার রহমান, শরীয়তপুরের পুলিশ সুপার সাইফুল্লাহ আল মামুন প্রমূখ।
https://www.cnewsbd.com/2017/national/64127/

 

[Banglar Bir]

https://www.facebook.com/

 

[Banglar Bir]

Upbeat about prospects, Jamaat expands its targets for next polls
Salman Tareque Sakil
Published at 11:02 AM November 29, 2017

Dhaka Tribune
The party has decided to increase the number of participating candidates from 52 to 62, based on the feedback of grassroots leadership
The Jamaat-e-Islami has raised the number of party-backed candidates who would contest in constituencies across Bangladesh in the upcoming 11th parliamentary election.

The party has decided to increase the number of participating candidates from 52 to 62, based on the feedback of grassroots leadership.

Jamaat insiders told the Bangla Tribune that the party’s ‘election commission’ has already instructed aspirants to start strengthening public relations.

Insiders, however, added that the number of party-backed candidates has not been finalized as yet.

Jamaat is aware that it may not reach its target for contesting in designated constituencies if the party decides to participate in the polls as part of the BNP-led 20-party alliance.

In 2001, Jamaat contested in 31 constituencies – as part of the alliance in 30 and individually in one. In 2008, the alliance allotted 39 constituencies to Jamaat, but party candidates contested individually in four constituencies.

The four constituencies were Sirajganj, Chapainawabganj 3, Jhenaidah and Meherpur.

The Jamaat election commission has directed the party leaders not to be concerned about getting party backing in the polls, and to prepare for contesting in the upcoming election.

A source from Jamaat said only a month ago Jamaat was prepared to back 52 candidates in the polls, but now the number has gone up to 62.

The party has also made the initial decision to back eight candidates in Comilla region, the source said.

The party source also added that acting secretary general Maulana ATM Masum is the chairman of the Jamaat election committee, and Professor Izzat Ullah is serving as the secretary.

The committee is responsible for nominating candidates for the upcoming election based on feedback from the grassroots level.

Speaking about Jamaat’s current activities, the party’s Executive Council member Maulana Abdul Halim said:

“Jamaat is busy with its organisational activities. We are preparing for the 11th general polls as we are a democratic party.”

Earlier, in a meeting among the senior leaders of BNP and its alliance members on November 16, Abdul Halim recommended that BNP Chairperson Khaleda Zia launch public relations drive and formulate strategies centering the upcoming polls.

Speaking to the correspondent, several Jamaat leaders echoed the same opinion voiced by Maulana Halim.

A number of Jamaat sources also confirmed that the central leaders of the party have visited their constituencies in the last six months.

Majlis-e-Shura member Maulana Habibur Rahman said: “Jamaat is yet to finalize how many constituencies the party will contest in, and how many candidates it will back. The party policy makers will make the decision ahead of the polls.”
The article was first published on Bangla Tribune
http://www.dhakatribune.com/banglad...-prospects-jamaat-expands-targets-next-polls/

 

[Banglar Bir]

Intelligentsia, civil society, and BNP
Sarwar Jahan Chowdhury
Published at 01:06 PM November 29, 2017

A clueless party Photo: SYED ZAKIR HOSSAIN
BNP has an opportunity to change itself, and focus on what matters
In Bangladesh, the liberal media, intelligentsia, most of civil society, and minorities — who are still reasonably sizable — find it hard to be sympathetic to Bangladesh Nationalist Party.

In sheer count of vote, all these segments barring the minorities may not hold a big voting number, but media, intelligentsia, and the civil society are important not for their voting numbers, but for the key link roles they play among the power centres in the social and political power spectrum.

Although some of them hold some ideological ground, many of them are flexible in evaluating and projecting a political entity based on its merit. But these are the norms of, at least, a stable democratic polity.

In a sense, it’s quite strange that BNP, despite having durable and big political base, fails to attract enough positive assessment from the respected public intellectuals, liberal media, and civil society. Comparatively, its main rival, the incumbent Awami League, clearly gets a much bigger chunk of appreciation, in spite of the average quality of many governance services they render to the citizenry.

BNP neither realises this isolation properly, nor has it ever tried to find out the causality of it. This disconnect between BNP and the civil society and intelligentsia also have other ramifications.

The international community relies on public intellectuals and civil society organisations (CSOs) for assessment and information, and gets an unimpressive feedback of the party.

All these perceptions matter. The international stake-holders also have their own assessment mechanism in addition, and it was observed that their assessment largely confirm the analysis of these reputed local experts and CSOs; neither of whom is too enthusiastic about BNP.
The pitfalls of the party
What are the reasons for this apparent distaste for a reasonably modern-looking party with a woman as its chairperson?

It’s true that BNP, by and large, has followed and operated in a modern politico-economic system, including adhering to capitalist free-market policies and electoral democracy. It won two fairly contested elections in the post-1990 democratic era in Bangladesh.

Yet, that unease about the party lingers, and the party fails to draw enough support and sympathy from these vital quarters. Domestically, liberals are apprehensive about BNP for five main reasons.
One is its made-up ideology of Bangladeshi nationalism.

Second is its past, and particularly, its refusal to break from that past.

The third is its distorted view of the history of Bangladesh, especially 1971 and the build-up to that.

Fourth is its inclination to Islamism, including its opportunistic alliance with controversial Jamaat-e-Islami, which the liberals fear might become hardcore Islamism for any future political gain.

Fifth and final is its dubious role in 2004 grenade attack on Sheikh Hasina and in the subsequent handling of the inquiry. Liberals demand BNP must come clean of any sort of role at any level with regards to the 2004 attack. Politics of killing and democracy can’t go hand-in-hand.
This is something fundamental.
There’s still hope
BNP can broadly be categorised as a centre-right political force, both in terms of economic policies and social conservatism. It is possible for it to correct its follies and still have this centre-right base intact by and large.

It is possible for it to have soft Islamism without Jamaat, but that should be at least with an open and honest commitment of not moving further right. A ban on Jamaat appears to be looming, and with its controversial leadership almost gone, there is a possibility that it will dissolve and re-emerge with a new Islamist banner sans the tainted leaders.

BNP’s practice of pathological lying about AL’s role in 1971 and before has resulted in its distortion of the nation’s history as well. In a democracy, ideally political parties ought to operate basing on its own ideology, which is ought to be modern and which, in fact, can be to some degree, conservative.

BNP will be out of power for more than a decade in 2019. It’s about time for the party to do some serious introspection

And a party should have its stand on major and current political, economic, and social issues. BNP’s anti-AL existence is in itself a problem. The party should have moved away with the passage of time from that initial premise on which it was cobbled together with politicians of disparate genre by its founder. Ground reality has changed, and that premise became irrelevant long ago.

The party needs a break from its initial messy conception of state when its founder toyed with the hard-earned modern constitution of the country and its fundamental principles, and it’s better for the party to adhere to some sort of secularist norm. Also, it should accept the true history of Bangladesh, including that of Awami League and Bangabandhu. It can very well thrive without trying to tweak the truth.

The common people of Bangladesh are more concerned about their own livelihoods than the past. BNP won’t lose much if it corrects its view of the past and political tactic of allying with controversial Jamaat.

The small percentage of Jamaat votes will come to BNP anyway because of its Islamism — although soft — coupled by its status of a major broad-based party.

The party must openly commit no relation with any radical outfit, orthodox social forces etc including the promise of quelling such outfits if they come to power. This is important both domestically and internationally.
Smarten up for survival
The liberal intellectuals, media, and civil society are desperately looking for a moderate alternative to the increasingly dictatorial AL, and so are the minorities who are often subjected to persecution by so-called friendly ruling clique. They have their key clout on things and a moderated BNP can benefit from them.

It can also have a lasting fair relation with the intelligentsia and civil society. It may be good for the political system and stability of the country, as the metamorphosed BNP can contribute in a big way in graduating these to the next level.

Obviously, both AL, BNP, and other political parties will, at some stage, have to agree to some basic civilised rules of the game, and start a fresh political culture.

A responsible political party doesn’t always tap into populist sentiment of the electorate. At a time of need, it leads the society towards greater good, even if that good isn’t instantly perceived by commoners.

A neutral intelligentsia, liberal media, and civil society work for a progressive and stable society. They are the foretellers of sanity.

Better affiliation with the civil society and intelligentsia will help BNP immensely to better itself. It can perform a better role as a political party and for the people. BNP should remove the barriers between itself and these important interlocutory entities.

Attaining political power, at least at regular intervals, is critical for survival of any major political party. BNP will be out of power for more than a decade in 2019. It’s about time for the party to do some serious introspection in line with these key highlights and undertake reform accordingly.

The forthcoming election and the period building up to that is in fact a golden opportunity for BNP to change itself, benefit, and render its service to the people as a major political force of Bangladesh, and for the greater good of the society and the country.
Sarwar Jahan Chowdhury is a freelance commentator on politics, society, and international relations. He currently works at BRAC Institute of Governance and Development (BIGD).
http://www.dhakatribune.com/opinion/op-ed/2017/11/29/intelligentsia-civil-society-bnp/

 

[Banglar Bir]

Mixed signs from BNP’s Suhrawardy Uddyan public meeting
M. Serajul Islam

President M Abdul Hamid
The most significant outcome politically from the BNP’s first political meeting at Suhrawardy Uddyan for a very long time has been the fact that the BNP has set its mode for participation in the next general election.
That election must be held latest by the end of January 2019 that is just 14 months away.

BNP’s boycott was the single most important factor that ended the 2014 election in the manner it did where it would be a misnomer to call it a general election. Less than 10% of the people had voted in that election and 153 became members of the parliament unopposed. That election had also directly compromised the Bangladesh constitution and the spirit of 1971. Therefore, BNP’s decision to take part in the next election was good news because it would allow the voters to elect the government of their choice.

Apprehensions abound

Nevertheless, the BNP’s public meeting came with new apprehensions about the country’s future. It emerged from the BNP’s demand that the next election must be held under a neutral government and not under the incumbent government.

That would be something very difficult to ensure because it would need the indulgence of the Awami League to amend the 15th Amendment through which the Awami League had deleted the caretaker government system (CTG) and reverted to the system of election under the incumbent Prime Minister as was incorporated in the 1972 Constitution.

Ironically, the AL as the opposition in 1991-96 with its then allies the Jamaat and the Jatiya Party, had forced the BNP Government to amend that provision in the 1972 Constitution to adopt the CTG system because they were convinced that a national election cannot be free and fair under the incumbent Prime Minister and the ruling party government.

Therefore, the Awami League itself with Jatiya Party and the Jamaat had been the staunchest advocate of what the BNP is now demanding, and precisely for the same reason that they had argued, only the prospects of election under the incumbent government to hold a fair election has worsened badly since 1996.

In fact, when the first election was held in July 1996, it was the BNP that had lost and the AL had won that election to return to power that it had lost in 1975. In its 1996-2001 term the Awami League had proudly claimed that the caretaker system was its original contribution to holding a democratic election in a third world country and it was accepted widely. A few countries including Greece where democracy was born accepted the caretaker system for holding their national election.

AL itself championed CTG system

Nevertheless, the Awami League is more than eager for ulterior reasons to forget that part of its own and the country’s history like it never happened. It is, however, a great wonder that the civil society, the media and those that participate in the TV talk shows also went into amnesia over the AL’s role in ushering the CTG system.

In retrospect, the Awami League may have shot itself in the leg with the 15th Amendment with which it killed the caretaker system for which it had not just carried out a movement during the 1991-96 BNP rule but had also not cared that the movement was carried with the Jamaat and the JP as allies and that it was accompanied with significant violence.

The caretaker system could have become the Awami League’s major contribution not only to the way to hold a free and fair election in the country but also for all developing countries aspiring to change the government through the democratic process. It was true that there were some problems with the system but the AL should sorted that out to earn credit for itself and the country.

Instead, the AL argued against the caretaker system coming to power in December 2008 in an election that was held during the emergency when the military had managed both politics and administration. Awami League’s argument against its own creation – the caretaker system – that an unelected caretaker government could not be a democratic government.

There were so many loopholes in that agreement that it was strange that in a country where there is such an abundance of political analysts, commentators and talk show participants that no one saw those loopholes. And to all the loopholes, they also failed to acknowledge what was an obvious fact, that the 3 elections held under the caretaker system that the Awami League had helped establish and incorporate into the Constitution were the only 3 free and fair elections held in the country’s history.

A fallacious argument
While the AL was going ahead with the 15th Amendment to annul the caretaker system and give the Prime Minister powers that even a dictator would envy, the political analysts, commentators and TV talk show participants did not spare themselves a moment to remind the Awami League that when it had moved for the caretaker system through a violent movement, why hadn’t they considered that they were proposing a system that they were later calling undemocratic?

And why also did they not take a look at the 15th Amendment itself? If they had, they would have seen clear as daylight in the 15th Amendment, the blueprint for pushing the country towards the single party system which the Awami League had tried once and failed with the 4th Amendment or known infamously as the BAKSAL Amendment.

The argument that the AL had made to adopt the 15th Amendment that an undemocratic government could not elect a democratic government was also deeply flawed. It was a wonder that our intellectuals also failed to expose those flaws.

One, of course, has been explained earlier in this article, that the 3 elections under the CTG system brought to power the party that the people wanted. In contrast, the other national elections under the party in power have all been controversial and far from being free or fair, starting with the 1973 election held by the first AL Government and those held by the governments headed by President Ziaur Rahman and HM Ershad.

The argument that unelected governments could not hold democratic elections was never explained by the Awami League. Elections for a change of government under the parliamentary system worldwide are conducted by an interim government that in reality is the outgoing government brought to existence as soon as the existing parliament completed its term and automatically dissolved or the party in power dissolved the parliament to call an early election.

In such a system, it is only the speaker of the outgoing parliament that remains an elected official till the new parliament elects a new speaker for the sake of the continuity of the elected nature of the government. Everybody else in the interim government is an unelected citizen the same as in the caretaker government.

EC fated to reelect incumbent
Therefore, the interim government is as much unelected as the caretaker government. The drafters of the 15th Amendment were aware of it but not the political analysts/commentators of the country. They tried to take care of the problem by something never tried in any parliamentary system.

The 15th Amendment allowed a new national election without the abrogation of the outgoing parliament to allow its members to remain, elected members while contesting for the new parliament, a truly incredible situation! And as they would also exercise all the powers of a member of parliament, they would have an unfair advantage in the election over those that are not members of parliament. That had made the 15th Amendment a serious danger for holding a free and fair election while it was the caretaker system that had in it the assurances for a free and fair national election.

All the above notwithstanding, the Awami League itself underlined unequivocally that a national election under the party in power or under the 15th Amendment could be neither be free or fair by the way it had conducted January 5, 2014, general election.

That election also underlined equally unequivocally that as long as the Election Commission remained under the grip of the outgoing government that the 15th Amendment legalized as the interim government, the Commission had little option to do much else than do whatever was necessary to bring the incumbent party back to power. Therefore, as long as was the party in power was allowed to become the election time government, hoping that the EC would be able to give the country a free and fair election would be a foolish dream.

Notwithstanding the fact that 15th Amendment that was to a large extent responsible for the last general election turning the way it did taking away from the overwhelming majority of the people their right to vote, the chances of another election being held the same way is extremely unlikely.

Pranab Mukherjee & Sushma Swaraj
The reasons are obvious. The BNP and its allies have already made their intention to participate in the next election. That will make a huge difference for the AL will not have a walkover in the next election. Further, the realities that had forced the BNP to abstain last time, namely the Shahbag Movement, the Hefazat uprising and the war crimes trials that had combined to abort the BNP’s movement to force the Awami League for election under a neutral government do not exist in the country’s politics anymore.

The Shahbag Movement is history. The Awami League is seeking the Hefazat as an ally. And the ruling party has fully cashed upon the war crimes card by hanging all the big fish. Over and above these three important factors, New Delhi needed another AL term to dismantle the last traces of foreign elements in Bangladesh working against Indian security interests and using Bangladesh soil for terrorist activities in the Seven Sisters.

And New Delhi needed another AL term to fully implement the land transit for which the agreement was secured but not the infrastructure. The way the Indian Foreign Secretary Sujata Singh visited Dhaka just before the 2014 election and talked with HM Ershad to encourage him to participate in the election to help bring the AL back to power did not leave anyone in doubt of New Delhi’s involvement that has been further underlined by the latest book of the former Indian President Pranab Mukherjee.

The recent visit of the Indian External Affairs Minister to Dhaka has Sujata Singh had done in December 2013 on her visit to Dhaka. Sushma Swaraj met Khaleda Zia instead and stated to her that New Delhi wanted a participatory election in Bangladesh and that it was the government’s responsibility to ensure it.

India’s change of posture was not unexpected. True that the Awami League government had delivered land transit and security interests to India through the legal process. However, New Delhi found to its dismay that its hopes of implementing the two crucial interests depended upon a significant section of the people of Bangladesh having a favourable opinion about India.

Can President head an interim govt.?
That favorable opinion had sunk significantly since the January 2014. India realized that if it wanted to repeat its 2014 role in Bangladesh again, it would jeopardize both the land transit and security assurances given by Bangladesh that only a Defence Pact with the right to interfere in Bangladesh in any matter it liked that India had tried to sign with Bangladesh but the Awami League Government did not provide.

That was the reason for India’s support for a participatory election. If AL came to power through a participatory election, New Delhi would no doubt be delighted. If the BNP won, New Delhi would still have a better chance of furthering those interests than bringing to power the AL a third time because meanwhile, BNP’s anti-India rhetoric had diminished substantially.

Thus all the factors point towards a national election in Bangladesh. These factors also underline that the AL would not be able to repeat 2014. Meanwhile, the Awami League’s need to return to power has become paramount because of the present political realities in the country. Therefore, an agreement between the AL and the BNP over the 15th Amendment is absolutely necessary for the sake of the country but at this stage it appears unlikely.

The AL wants to hold the election under the incumbent Prime Minister hoping to return to power and Khaleda Zia has clearly stated that the BNP would want the CTG through which she hopes to defeat the AL. And neither appears strong enough to force its will on the other although the ruling party has the coercive powers to try to impose its will without the factors that had helped it in 2014. This appears to point towards a dangerous conflict in the country.

Therefore, holding a free and fair election is of paramount importance to the nation, one that would require the goodwill of all. A middle road between the AL and the BNP must be found for holding the next election with the participation of all the political parties. It is here where the President could play a historic role.

He could head the interim government with the two major parties sharing the ministries with roles in the election, like Home, Law, Defence, etc. And the Election Commission could then be freed of the shackles to hold the election in a free and fair manner because it has all the powers to do so but forced to act as an extension of the ruling party because of the 15th Amendment.
The writer is a former career Ambassador
http://www.weeklyholiday.net/Homepage/Pages/UserHome.aspx?ID=24&date=0#Tid=15228

 

[Luffy 500]

Also the turnout is helped a lot I would imagine. People that otherwise feel disenfranchised (because say they live in electoral district where their party can numerically never win) have their vote count for something (since only national tally will matter rather than first past the post locally), so they are more inclined to vote given the district performance does not matter so much.

The one drawback with PR system is that politicians will simply prioritise campaigning in the large populated areas only and may ignore the hinterlands/rural areas....so urban demands/high pop state demands end up taking precedence (tyranny of majority) in the long run federally. Hence why the US sticks to its electoral college system so there is a need to be broad based in policy to some degree...also why FPTP works in India case to large extent too.

But for BD which has high population density to begin with and does not really have hinterlands etc given its size nor much need for state resolution like in case of India, I see little reason to have high resolution first past the post system. Just make it PR for whatever scale of govt you are voting for (nationwide, bibhag, upazila, city etc).

But of course its like free market reform, the current two beneficiaries (duopolistic oligarchs) will resist it mightily (hence we see no political system reform debate even). Their power base and strategy only gets eroded long term...they dont put their country above all so there is nothing really in it for them. They gain by optically make it black and white issue and only have people vote for one of them and winner takes all format....rather than coalition style govts. Honestly will one of two Titans prevailing over the other lead to opportunity for a revolution in BD? Hard to say...because BD people seem to be fine letting BAL get away with this BS.

WHat's important in BD's case is empowering who ever is in the opposition and preventing the winning party from completely dominating national politics so much so that they can play with the constitution and completely destroy institutions as BAL has done. And PR would effectively do exactly that. I do not know about India but federalism and the mammoth size of India prevents tyranny of any single political party and serves as an inherent check to excesses by the majority. But it seems after the recent UP elections, the Indian congress, CPP, SPD and other parties just realized what's at stake with FPTP and are proposing electoral reform in the form of semi-proportional MMP system:
http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/parties-call-for-hybrid-electoral-system/article19663572.ece

http://indianexpress.com/article/op...ction-commissionup-electionsmayawati-4593042/

Frankly speaking if the Indians do electoral reform there is some hope that the political dinosaurs in BD would take notice & may think of changing since BDs copy paste everything Indian. Even the BD constitution is an Indian rip off minus the Institutional check & balances & federalism.

There is hardly any original thinking among BD politicans apart from pulling each others leg, Clientelism and corruption. Also BD does not even have a unified civil society and the civil society itself is divided between pro-india/anti-india, pro-west/anti-west and pro-BNP/anti-BNP and many other absurd ideological lines like "spirit of 71"- whatever that means. BD is totally hopeless IMO even if BNP comes to power because they too won't go for much needed political reform and institution building. Even JeI have proven to be absolute nincompoops as they too never even bothered pushing BNP for political & electoral reform in the previous BNP-JeI coalition which is surprising since being smaller than BNP & AL they would be the most to gain in a PR system. But what can you do when every party leader including PM scrabbles to meet an US assistant secretary for political mileage. There is simply no self-respect and self-dignity among BD politicans and people get the government they deserve.

 

[Banglar Bir]

Third political coalition still uncertain
Manik MiazeeFazlur Rahman Raju
Published at 10:58 AM December 02, 2017
Last updated at 11:40 AM December 02, 2017

From the left, AQM Badruddoza Chowdhury, Dr Kamal Hossain, Nagorik Oikya Convener Mahmudur Rahman Manna, ASM Abdur Rab
Several sources said Badruddoza recently sent a proposal to JSD, Nagorik Oikya, Gana Forum and Krishak Sramik Janata League (KSJL), however, the latest bout of uncertainty has yet again crippled this initiative
Leaders of several minor political parties have long been working to form a new coalition outside of the country’s two major alliances before the next general election, but they are apparently still miles away from making any significant progress.

Due to internal disagreements over leadership and ideological conflicts, these parties are yet to materialize the idea, let alone coming up with a name for it.

Bikalpadhara Bangladesh President AQM Badruddoza Chowdhury, Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal (JSD) President ASM Abdur Rab and Nagorik Oikya Convener Mahmudur Rahman Manna are playing a vital role to form this new coalition, sources say.

The other two existing coalitions are the Awami League-led 14-party alliance and the BNP-led 20-party alliance.

Several sources told the Dhaka Tribune that Badruddoza recently sent a proposal to JSD, Nagorik Oikya, Gana Forum and Krishak Sramik Janata League (KSJL) to move forward with the formation of their coalition.

However, the latest bout of uncertainty has yet again crippled this initiative, after KSJL President Abdul Kader Siddiqui rejected the proposal and Dr Kamal Hossain-led Gana Forum last month decided to opt out, and decided to move forward independently.

Siddiqui is yet to decide whether his party will ally with the other three parties and join the planned alliance.

In the last five years, leaders of the concerned parties held a least ten meetings, but had failed to reach a consensus regarding the formation of the coalition and in selecting the person to lead it.

A Gana Forum leader, on condition of anonymity, told the Dhaka Tribune that most of the leaders want Badruddoza as the coalition chief, while only one leader has been against that idea.

“Everyone except one leader believes Badruddoza Chowdhury to be the most senior politician among all and thereby they want him as the chief. But the issue is yet to be resolved.”

JSD President Abdur Rab recently told the Dhaka Tribune that the country at present needs an alliance that can be an alternative to the alliances led by Awami League and BNP.

“But we need more time to finalise the format (for our alliance),” he said.

Gana Forum Executive President Subrata Chowdhury also said that the parties have not reached an agreement on the terms and conditions to form the new coalition despite holding a number of meetings.

“We are still discussing the details of the proposed allliance,” added JSD Secretary General Abdul Malek Ratan.

However, Kamal Hossain claimed that they never sat to talk about this matter and he has no plan in becoming part of such alliance in future.

But several leaders from different parties, seeking anonymity, told the Dhaka Tribune that they are yet to set objectives and policies of the coalition. “The discussions are ongoing. We are working on the issues.”

They also claimed that the coalition still is on the premature stage, and it can either flourish or fade away.
A United Front-style alliance?
Meanwhile, sources said that the heavyweight leaders of these minor parties are trying to form a coalition similar to the United Front, an alliance of political parties of erstwhile East Pakistan that contested and won Pakistan’s first provincial general election to the East Bengal Legislative Assembly in 1954.

One of the parties has also proposed to name the alliance after the historic United Front coalition, which existed before the 1971 Liberation War.

But the leaders are yet to finalise any name for this coalition, sources added.

A leader from a party told the Dhaka Tribune that the coalition will have nine or ten major objectives.

According to sources, some of these objectives are: building a poverty-free nation, holding a transparent and participatory election, eradicating terrorism from the country, decentralising the administration – there will be a central government and parliament in Dhaka and eight provinces in the eight divisions, ensuring the death penalty for raping children and life imprisonment for raping women.

Although a number of prominent political personalities are engaged in forming the new coalition, some of them are still confused as these parties had failed to come to an agreement in the past.

In 1996, left-wing political parties had formed an 11-party alliance, but it was dissolved in 2005. At that time, seven of them had left that coalition and joined the Awami League-led 14-party alliance.

In 2006, Gana Forum and Democratic Labour Party had left the 14-party alliance.

Gana Forum leader Subrata told the Dhaka Tribune that they have held several meetings to discuss a number of issues regarding their new coalition, but not all of them agreed always.

He, however, claimed that the party is willing to join the coalition, contradicting his party chief’s plan.

Nagorik Oikya Convener Manna, however, has told reporters that he, Badruddoza and Abdur Rab will form the new coalition even if Gana Forum and other parties do not join them.

He said: “Kamal Hossain had said that this is not the right time to form a coalition. If he backs out for good, we will form the coalition regardless of his participation.

“We will hold another meeting on December 3 on this issue. If Kader Siddiqui joins us, then the coalition will have four parties. If he does not, it will be a three-party coalition.”

Manna, however, denied having any conflicts on leadership issues between Kamal and Badruddoza, saying: “The coalition does not have a single leadership format.
http://www.dhakatribune.com/bangladesh/politics/2017/12/02/third-political-coalition-uncertain/

 

[Banglar Bir]

Police use ‘sound stimulator’ to drive off agitators, spark debate
Staff Correspondent, bdnews24.com
Published: 2017-11-30 22:44:15.0 BdST Updated: 2017-11-30 22:44:26.0 BdST

Dhaka Metropolitan Police have added a new weapon that creates high decibel sounds to drive off agitators from the streets.
DMP used the device at Dhaka’s Shahbagh on Thursday morning to disperse protesters who gathered there in support of the half-day general strike of left-leaning political parties to protest against the government’s decision to raise retail power prices.

The protesters could not bear the high-pitch noise for long.

The Progressive Student Alliance took out a procession from the TSC in Dhaka University to Shahbagh intersection in support of the shutdown. It stopped by Shahbagh Police Station after being barred by the police.

The demonstrators tried protecting their ears with hands and cottons as the police put the new device on. But at one point, they started moving towards the Ruposhi Bangla Hotel.

Liton Nandi, General Secretary of Bangladesh Chhatra Union, said: “The sound was unbearable. It was more than 100 decibels. So we moved away from there.”

This new weapon could create serious health hazards, he warned.

“It felt like eardrums were going to rupture. There are two prominent hospitals in this area with critical patients but still the police created the noise,” said Nandi.

“This is just a loud speaker, nothing else,” said Deputy Commissioner Maruf Hasan Sarder of DMP Ramna. But he was not sure about the function and capacity of the device.

“I am not a scientist. I have not measured how many decibels it creates. But there was no way that it could disturb hospital patients,” he told bdnews24.com.

“We did not point the stimulator towards the hospital. Hospital authorities did not make any complaint either,” he added.

But Director of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib Medical University or BSMMU Brig Gen Md Abdullah-Al-Harun was not impressed. “Any device that produces loud sound should not be used near hospital,” he said.

“I have heard about this device. Our staffers told me that the police used the device around 8am. This should not have been done in this neighbourhood. They should have thought about the patients admitted here.”
https://bdnews24.com/bangladesh/201...timulator-to-drive-off-agitators-spark-debate

 

[Banglar Bir]

Awami League ready for a snap election
Fazlur Rahman Raju
Published at 01:52 PM December 04, 2017

Flag of Awami League Wikimedia
Winning a snap election would also increase Awami League’s acceptance in both the domestic and the international arena
Ruling Party Awami League is exploring the idea of holding a snap election, instead of completing its tenure of leading the government of Bangladesh.

Several senior leaders of Awami League told the Dhaka Tribune that the snap election could be organized as early as the first quarter of 2018.

A number of ruling party leaders, on condition of anonymity, confirmed that the Awami League has directed its party and alliance leaders to prepare for the snap election in a meeting last Tuesday.

The meeting was attended by Awami League General Secretary and also Road Transport and Bridges Minister Obaidul Quader.

Speaking to the Dhaka Tribune, two presidium members and four advisors of the Awami League have pointed out that all possibilities of organizing a snap election depends on ruling party President and also Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina.

“As a political party, Awami League always ready for election,” they added.

The insiders also claimed that the BNP is currently not prepared for an election. So, if the Awami League announces a snap election within a short period of time, the BNP might not be able to prepare for the polls accordingly, thereby offering the ruling party an easier victory.

Winning a snap election would also increase Awami League’s acceptance in both the domestic and the international arena, they said.

In could be noted, at a meeting last Wednesday, European Union (EU) Ambassador to Bangladesh Rensje Teerink asked Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) KM Nurul Huda regarding Election Commission’s preparations on organizing a snap election and using electronic voting machines (EVMs) in the next polls.

Replying to the EU ambassador, Nurul Huda claimed that the EC is prepared to hold a snap election if needed.

“It is the government who decides whether a snap election should be held or not. We will need at least 90 days to prepare for and hold the election. We are ready,” the CEC told reporters after the meeting.

Meanwhile, Awami League General Secretary Obaidul Quader hinted towards a possible snap election at a press conference held after a secretary-level meeting last Friday.

The meeting was attended by the top brass of the ruling party’s affiliate organisations at Awami League’s president’s office at Dhanmondi in Dhaka.

“We thought that the next election will be held on December, 2018 as per the constitution. Only Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina can announce snap polls, and if she does announce it, the Awami League is fully prepared to participate in the polls,” Quader said at the press conference.

Quader further added that even if the prime minister announces the snap election next month, Awami League will definitely win in the polls.

Asking not to be named, a joint general secretary of Awami League told the Dhaka Tribune that they are determined to win in the next election.

“It is not a matter of snap election or regular election, the Awami League is always ready for polls,” the senior ruling party leader added.

The BNP had been demanding for some time that the current parliament be dissolved and a fresh election be organized, but the ruling party Awami League vehemently opposed the opposition party’s demands so far.
http://www.dhakatribune.com/bangladesh/politics/2017/12/04/awami-league-ready-snap-election/

 

[Mage]

Winning a snap election would also increase Awami League’s acceptance in both the domestic and the international arena

Good. Lets get this over with. One last term for Sheikh Hasina.

 

[Nilgiri]

Are they trying to get one done before the sad reality of the rohingya "deal" with MM transpires on the ground and really plays havoc with whatever actual support BAL has in the political neutral population? ( I hear its about 20 to 20 split generally between BAL and BNP in hardcore support and 60% of remaining is in play and where the rigging etc generally comes into play).

@Luffy 500 @Al-zakir @UKBengali @Zabaniyah

 

[UKBengali]

Are they trying to get one done before the sad reality of the rohingya "deal" with MM transpires on the ground and really plays havoc with whatever actual support BAL has in the political neutral population? ( I hear its about 20 to 20 split generally between BAL and BNP in hardcore support and 60% of remaining is in play and where the rigging etc generally comes into play).

@Luffy 500 @Al-zakir @UKBengali @Zabaniyah

Do not think it is anything to do with this. Everyone in BD knows that Rohingya will not be going back for years till their homeland is secure for their return.

More likely it is just to get the uncertainty out of the way. AL will romp home as the BNP are even worse and the last thing that BD needs right now is a change of government and a return to the past of BNP/AL swapping every 5 years and nothing getting done.