Commentary: India — America’s New Special Relationship?
If you have watched cable news television in the last several months, you have probably seen a Make in India (MII) ad or two. To be sure, the US-Indian relationship is not only that of buyer-seller, it’s about prospective partnership in the defense sector: The US envisions India as a long-term, geostrategic and security partner. How India perceives this relationship going forward with respect to Russia and China will be telling.
Furthermore, there are high expectations for India’s role in Afghanistan, which have been improved by its willingness to re-engage dialogue with Pakistan at the Heart of Asia Conference earlier last week in Islamabad.
Indian Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar and US Secretary of Defense Ash Carter recently reconnoitered in Washington, and their latest official meeting signals that the US is indeed paying more attention to Asia. Whether or not the US is cultivating a new "special relationship" remains to be seen; however, it is worth noting that India is the only country for whom US authorities have established a special cell within the Pentagon to handle defense collaboration.
The India Rapid Reaction Cell (IRRC) falls under the purview of the International Cooperation Office of the Under Secretary of Defense for Acquisition, Technology and Logistics. The significance of this initiative should not be understated.
In the defense milieu, the IRRC serves to advance the Defense Technology and Trade Initiative (DTTI), which aimed at joint development and manufacture of next-generation military technology. Indian security and defense industries accompanied the Indian defense minister on this trip. High-level industry delegates from Tata, L&T, Reliance, Dynamatic Technologies, Sun Group, etc. are part and parcel of both nations’ strategies to further technology and innovation links in the private sector.
America’s Third Offset Strategy, its Defense Innovation Initiative (DII), and India’s MII campaign serve to reinforce domestic commitments as well as forge deeper bilateral ties.
For now, India and the US are working on joint military exercises, expediting technology transfers of defense and security technologies, establishing co-development and co-production, to the creation of an Indian Ocean security architecture. Is India the gift that keeps on giving?
If access to India’s geographic location, talented engineers and lower manufacturing costs are not attractive enough for the US defense and security industry, India’s national commitment to military modernization and indigenous R&D presents significant opportunities for long-term collaboration.
For India, there are anticipated direct and indirect benefits that will likely have knock-on effects that extend beyond the defense and security sector. India is counting on reaping benefits that exceed an upgraded military capacity with reliable hardware. Commercial spinoff is anticipated for the development of new materials and materials engineering, weather, and navigation satellites. Moreover, opportunities to improve testing and evaluation and manufacturing processes across industry sectors are expected.
Currently, India imports roughly 70 percent of its military hardware. As India eases requirements for foreign direct investment (FDI) in sectors including defense, the hope is that domestic industry will receive a boost that will allow India to move from a dependency on military hardware imports to a position of co-producer.
Lessening the bureaucratic red tape involved in FDI should also free up capital for other purposes. Moreover, as DTTI efforts continue, it is likely that in addition to enhanced industry partnerships and co-development and co-production, test and evaluation, as well as deployment and replacement opportunities, will emerge.
This is likely something that could have a significant impact on unmanned aerial and maritime systems, counter-unmanned aerial and maritime systems, jet engines, and other emerging technologies including those that are space-related. The IRRC and DTTI will hopefully continue to facilitate the translation of mutually beneficial economic and security guarantees.
India’s wish list is heavily focused on fixed-wing aircraft manufacturing. For the most part, this list includes force multipliers that will enhance India’s fighting capacity. And, while US industry has been open to selling, the US government has been more reluctant.
Both Lockheed Martin and Boeing have offered production lines for the F-16s and F-18s to India. Boeing is also ready to set up assembly lines for either the Apache or the Chinook helicopters. And it’s anticipated that Parrikar’s visit will foster some momentum with respect to India’s decision to acquire 145 pieces of M777 ultralight howitzers from the US under a government-to-government deal that would see its manufacturer, BAE Systems, investing over $200 million in India as offset.
Reportedly India has also given a list of about 10 “critical” high-technology items it wants the US government to clear for sale. The new list goes beyond the four preapproved pathfinder projects already agreed to earlier this year. These projects include the production of a low-end unmanned vehicle in India, roll-on, roll-off kits for reconfiguring C-130s to be more versatile, and the development of protective gear against biological and chemical weapons. Parrikar’s maiden trip to the US aimed to cement Indo-US defense collaboration.
For the first time since 2008, India will be participating in a US-led wargame, a Red Flag Exercise, in Alaska that will focus on complex environmental conditions whereair operations are in close coordination with ground troops. And while aerial defense is a jewel in the crown of India’s security strategy, maritime security is emerging as a strategic priority and focal point for US-Indian collaboration.
Both nations view expanded maritime security cooperation and maritime domain awareness as crucial for responding to the undeniable economic and demographic trends emerging in the Indo-Asia-Pacific region. Further deepening of military-to-military ties will come with the annual naval exercise (Malabar) and India’s invitation to participate in the 2016 Rim of the Pacific Exercise.
By visiting key naval installations as well as the headquarters of Huntington Ingalls, America’s largest shipbuilder, which makes aircraft carriers and nuclear-powered submarines for the US Navy, a US-Indian working group on aircraft carrier technology sharing and design is one step closer to crystallizing. Carter has stated that India will be a democratic and like-minded US security partner and “anchor” in the region.
It’s clear that the pace of US-Indo collaboration has exceeded expectations in both countries, and there is no shortage of rhetoric promoting this ongoing trajectory. While it is unlikely that this political-industrial-military bear hug will fade anytime soon, solidifying a special relationship between the US and India remains out of reach, even if it is faintly visible on the horizon.
If you have watched cable news television in the last several months, you have probably seen a Make in India (MII) ad or two. To be sure, the US-Indian relationship is not only that of buyer-seller, it’s about prospective partnership in the defense sector: The US envisions India as a long-term, geostrategic and security partner. How India perceives this relationship going forward with respect to Russia and China will be telling.
Furthermore, there are high expectations for India’s role in Afghanistan, which have been improved by its willingness to re-engage dialogue with Pakistan at the Heart of Asia Conference earlier last week in Islamabad.
Indian Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar and US Secretary of Defense Ash Carter recently reconnoitered in Washington, and their latest official meeting signals that the US is indeed paying more attention to Asia. Whether or not the US is cultivating a new "special relationship" remains to be seen; however, it is worth noting that India is the only country for whom US authorities have established a special cell within the Pentagon to handle defense collaboration.
The India Rapid Reaction Cell (IRRC) falls under the purview of the International Cooperation Office of the Under Secretary of Defense for Acquisition, Technology and Logistics. The significance of this initiative should not be understated.
In the defense milieu, the IRRC serves to advance the Defense Technology and Trade Initiative (DTTI), which aimed at joint development and manufacture of next-generation military technology. Indian security and defense industries accompanied the Indian defense minister on this trip. High-level industry delegates from Tata, L&T, Reliance, Dynamatic Technologies, Sun Group, etc. are part and parcel of both nations’ strategies to further technology and innovation links in the private sector.
America’s Third Offset Strategy, its Defense Innovation Initiative (DII), and India’s MII campaign serve to reinforce domestic commitments as well as forge deeper bilateral ties.
For now, India and the US are working on joint military exercises, expediting technology transfers of defense and security technologies, establishing co-development and co-production, to the creation of an Indian Ocean security architecture. Is India the gift that keeps on giving?
If access to India’s geographic location, talented engineers and lower manufacturing costs are not attractive enough for the US defense and security industry, India’s national commitment to military modernization and indigenous R&D presents significant opportunities for long-term collaboration.
For India, there are anticipated direct and indirect benefits that will likely have knock-on effects that extend beyond the defense and security sector. India is counting on reaping benefits that exceed an upgraded military capacity with reliable hardware. Commercial spinoff is anticipated for the development of new materials and materials engineering, weather, and navigation satellites. Moreover, opportunities to improve testing and evaluation and manufacturing processes across industry sectors are expected.
Currently, India imports roughly 70 percent of its military hardware. As India eases requirements for foreign direct investment (FDI) in sectors including defense, the hope is that domestic industry will receive a boost that will allow India to move from a dependency on military hardware imports to a position of co-producer.
Lessening the bureaucratic red tape involved in FDI should also free up capital for other purposes. Moreover, as DTTI efforts continue, it is likely that in addition to enhanced industry partnerships and co-development and co-production, test and evaluation, as well as deployment and replacement opportunities, will emerge.
This is likely something that could have a significant impact on unmanned aerial and maritime systems, counter-unmanned aerial and maritime systems, jet engines, and other emerging technologies including those that are space-related. The IRRC and DTTI will hopefully continue to facilitate the translation of mutually beneficial economic and security guarantees.
India’s wish list is heavily focused on fixed-wing aircraft manufacturing. For the most part, this list includes force multipliers that will enhance India’s fighting capacity. And, while US industry has been open to selling, the US government has been more reluctant.
Both Lockheed Martin and Boeing have offered production lines for the F-16s and F-18s to India. Boeing is also ready to set up assembly lines for either the Apache or the Chinook helicopters. And it’s anticipated that Parrikar’s visit will foster some momentum with respect to India’s decision to acquire 145 pieces of M777 ultralight howitzers from the US under a government-to-government deal that would see its manufacturer, BAE Systems, investing over $200 million in India as offset.
Reportedly India has also given a list of about 10 “critical” high-technology items it wants the US government to clear for sale. The new list goes beyond the four preapproved pathfinder projects already agreed to earlier this year. These projects include the production of a low-end unmanned vehicle in India, roll-on, roll-off kits for reconfiguring C-130s to be more versatile, and the development of protective gear against biological and chemical weapons. Parrikar’s maiden trip to the US aimed to cement Indo-US defense collaboration.
For the first time since 2008, India will be participating in a US-led wargame, a Red Flag Exercise, in Alaska that will focus on complex environmental conditions whereair operations are in close coordination with ground troops. And while aerial defense is a jewel in the crown of India’s security strategy, maritime security is emerging as a strategic priority and focal point for US-Indian collaboration.
Both nations view expanded maritime security cooperation and maritime domain awareness as crucial for responding to the undeniable economic and demographic trends emerging in the Indo-Asia-Pacific region. Further deepening of military-to-military ties will come with the annual naval exercise (Malabar) and India’s invitation to participate in the 2016 Rim of the Pacific Exercise.
By visiting key naval installations as well as the headquarters of Huntington Ingalls, America’s largest shipbuilder, which makes aircraft carriers and nuclear-powered submarines for the US Navy, a US-Indian working group on aircraft carrier technology sharing and design is one step closer to crystallizing. Carter has stated that India will be a democratic and like-minded US security partner and “anchor” in the region.
It’s clear that the pace of US-Indo collaboration has exceeded expectations in both countries, and there is no shortage of rhetoric promoting this ongoing trajectory. While it is unlikely that this political-industrial-military bear hug will fade anytime soon, solidifying a special relationship between the US and India remains out of reach, even if it is faintly visible on the horizon.
