Book Review: Secular Jinnah & Pakistan: What the Nation Doesn't Know | PKKH
PKKH Exclusive|By Muhammad Umer Toor
In Secular Jinnah: What the Nation Doesnt Know (2010), Saleena Karim - sequel to her 2005 work, Secular Jinnah: Munirs Big Hoax Exposed - has given a mighty blow to many of the standard distortions and mythical arguments of a bunch of Secularist Pakistanis. She has, alone, taken on many stalwart secularist academics, beginning with the notorious secular-godfather, Justice Munir, who, as well show, was the very perpetrator of a Secular Pakistan. In her previous work, she had exposed Munirs hoax: a false quote attributed to Jinnah, which has subsequently been repeated so many times by secular establishment that it appears to have become a fact. In this new book, she has exhausted the subject, by writing and arguing about every facet of secular vs Muslim/Islamic debate which was not addressed in the previous work, such as the debate about Objectives Resolution.
Before we go into the branches of the book and the debate it deals with, let us show the very roots of the problem.
Munirs Big Hoax Exposed: A False Quote attributed to Quaid
First time I came to know about the author was when I was listening to a lecture by Dr Safdar Mehmoods, Pakistan: Reality or Illusion? convened by late Dr Israr Ahmed. The veteran historian mentioned that the core contribution of this book is the rebuttal of a false quote attributed to Jinnah by Justice Munir, first in his Munir Report 1953, and then his famous book, From Jinnah to Zia, 1980. Here goes the false quote:
The state would be a modern democratic state with sovereignty resting in the people and the members of the new nation having equal rights of citizenship regardless of religion, caste or creed. (Emphasis on caste and creed added)
This quote was supposedly from an interview of Quaid with Doon Campbell of Reuters, Munir didnt provide proper reference or date. Saleena extracted the real version from the original newspaper archives in UK, which reads:
But the Government of Pakistan can only be a popular representative and democratic form of Government. Its Parliament and Cabinet responsible to the Parliament will both be finally responsible to the electorate and the people in general without any distinction of caste, creed or sect, which will be the final deciding factor with regard to the policy and programme of the Government that may be adopted from time to time. (Only caste and creed are to be found in both versions, rest all is altered)
Contrast the following interview of Jinnah with the false quote produced by Munir:
But before [Jinnah] left a correspondent asked him: I presume from what you have said, Mr. Jinnah, that Pakistan will be a modern democratic state. Mr. Jinnah quickly replied: When did I ever say that? I never said anything to that effect. (Emphasis added) [Source: Hindustan Times, 14 July 1947 (NV Vol. VI, p. 276 fn)]
Finally, to seal the accusation that the outlook of Jinnah was purely secular - which is far from truth: in his address on 25 january 1948 (Yusufi Vol. IV p.2670), he said:
Islam is not only a set of rituals, traditions and spiritual doctrines. Islam is also a code for every Muslim which regulates his life and his conduct in even politics and economics and like. It is based on the highest principles of honour, integrity, fairplay and justice for. One God and the equality of manhood is one of the fundamental principles of Islam.
This is a clear-cut antithesis of secularism as an ideological and political philosophy.
Three-piece argument: Cornerstone of secular discourse
Based on the false quote, Munir developed the following three-piece argument to prove that Jinnah wanted a secular Pakistan (when in fact he had relegated the privilege of determining the form of government to the people):
Munir quote rejects the clause in the Objective Resolution that sovereignty belongs to Allah on the assumption that Quaid advocated sovereignty of people.
He takes Jinnahs 11 August 1947 speech to clearly proves that he wanted a secular Pakistan
He takes Jinnahs anti-theocracy statements as ample proof for his vision of a secular Pakistan
Since Munirs quote is false, we are left with the other two parts which only prove that the Quaid did not want a sectarian, Church kind of government of exclusivist elites, be it a particular sect or else. This is why in 11 August 1947s speech was given to send a message that a Hindu would have same rights as a citizen as a Muslim; this is why he opposed theocracy because it precludes participation of people in running the affairs of the country.
Munirs Legacy: the Butterfly Effect
The false quote attributed to Jinnah and/or three-piece argument which has been repeated blindly by as many Islamophobic secularists as possible. These included such top-notch anti-Islamic-state-scholars as following (p. 74, Secular Jinnah 2010):
Ayesha Jalal, The Sole Spokesman
Ishtiaq Ahmed (a professor) in a journal article
Pervez A Hoodbhoy & Ahmed Hameed Nayyar in the paper Rewriting the History of Pakistan (revisionism posing as scholarship)
Abdus Sattar Ghazzali (a journalist) in his book Islamic Pakistan: Illusions and Reality
(late) Ardeshir Cowasjee in his book Back to Jinnah
Saleena has added a special appendix which lists all works which have utilized the quote.
A Birds-eye-view: Chapter-wise
First chapter is a biographical essay on Jinnahs transformation from being an Indian (and then Muslim) a politician to not being an Indian. Its a 30-page long, gradual, step-by-step examination of Jinnahs pre-partition political career, his worldview, his influences, and also how he was influenced by thoughts and comments of Iqbal. In short, Quaid believed in a purely non-sectarian, non-theocratic, Islamic world-view. Second chapter is the heart of the book: a full exposition of Munirs hoax. The third and fourth chapter deal with the controversy surrounding Objectives Resolution before and after the Munir report (which contained false quote), respectively. The next chapter is also of central importance to the thesis of the book: how one false quote has influenced and gave life to pro-secularist camp - something the author calls, the butterfly effect. In her essay on 1940 resolution she terms it as deferred secession and disproves the allegations that it was a mere bargaining counter by quoting extensively from wide range references to Quaid (and Iqbal as well).
Then, she spends pages on Jinnahs position on the Pakistan idea, in terms of both the terrestrial and ideological aspects. Much of this information - regarding Quaids instance on not partitioning Punjab and Bengal - is known to many of us already; however it is crucial in dispelling many wrong charges on Jinnah of communalism, provincialism and the carnage that took place in the aftermath of the very partition that Quaid opposed. On ideological plane, ample evidence is given which prove beyond a shadow of doubt that the foundation of Quaids worldview, and by extension that of Pakistan, was based on Islam. Islamic ideals were to be at the heart of political, social and institutional organization in the new country in the eyes of all founding fathers and mothers.
Chapter 9, Lahore to Dehli, is a story of how one man - M Ali Jinnah - led Muslims all over India not only as a politician, but also as an organizer, educator, media man, salesman, and think tank for Pakistan, who above all organized Muslims politically and institutionally (by setting up various committees comprising of many well-qualified, non-Muslim league professionals).
In congruence with the false quote, secular academia has reconstructed a mythical image of Quaid and his ideology. Author of the book has exposed each of these myths extensively in chapter 10
Iqbal & Jinnah: Two faces of a same coin
Since the ideas of Iqbal - about Islam and Muslim politics - are the heart of Pakistan, Saleena has spent a whole chapter elucidating Iqbals view and critique of secularism in favor of Islamic statehood. Secular propaganda machinery either tries to overlook this bond, or disapproves of it. One major problem with Church experience in Europe has been sectarianism. In chapter 6, writer graciously makes use of works of Dr Javed Iqbal to explain the importance of word deen which is used in Quran as opposed to word mazhab (which, according to J Iqbal, is used in the sense of individual faith, currently). Deen is like a sea in which all of us swim regardless of our differences, without relinquishing our ability to mutually deal with what is clearly outside of deen. To a purely secularist mind, dualism between worldly and spiritual affairs (represented by word religion) remains there, which in Islamic perspective doesnt exist as such.
Conclusion
Saleenas work is certainly a very reliable, resourceful and rigorous critique of secular establishment of misconstruction and tampering of Pakistani history. It has been welcomed and praised by many scholars of distinction. It has upheld what more than 90% of Pakistanis have upheld for more than 90% of time since Pakistan took its first breath: Jinnah, Iqbal Muslim League and above Muslim masses wanted a non-sectarian homeland for Muslims based on unique Islamic ideals against a secular, atheistic, nationalist worldview which dominated the world then and continues to do so. The strength of the work - which can hardly be overlooked - is painstaking effort at referencing every tiny bit of information. Thus, on the foundation of sound and correct premises has she built her arguments!
Muhammad Umer Toor is a wanna-be philosopher in distant future. Based in Lahore, with a BSc in Business, he blogs at[url]www.toorumer.blogspot.com[/url].* He can be reached at i.umer.toor@gmail.com
PKKH Exclusive|By Muhammad Umer Toor
In Secular Jinnah: What the Nation Doesnt Know (2010), Saleena Karim - sequel to her 2005 work, Secular Jinnah: Munirs Big Hoax Exposed - has given a mighty blow to many of the standard distortions and mythical arguments of a bunch of Secularist Pakistanis. She has, alone, taken on many stalwart secularist academics, beginning with the notorious secular-godfather, Justice Munir, who, as well show, was the very perpetrator of a Secular Pakistan. In her previous work, she had exposed Munirs hoax: a false quote attributed to Jinnah, which has subsequently been repeated so many times by secular establishment that it appears to have become a fact. In this new book, she has exhausted the subject, by writing and arguing about every facet of secular vs Muslim/Islamic debate which was not addressed in the previous work, such as the debate about Objectives Resolution.
Before we go into the branches of the book and the debate it deals with, let us show the very roots of the problem.
Munirs Big Hoax Exposed: A False Quote attributed to Quaid
First time I came to know about the author was when I was listening to a lecture by Dr Safdar Mehmoods, Pakistan: Reality or Illusion? convened by late Dr Israr Ahmed. The veteran historian mentioned that the core contribution of this book is the rebuttal of a false quote attributed to Jinnah by Justice Munir, first in his Munir Report 1953, and then his famous book, From Jinnah to Zia, 1980. Here goes the false quote:
The state would be a modern democratic state with sovereignty resting in the people and the members of the new nation having equal rights of citizenship regardless of religion, caste or creed. (Emphasis on caste and creed added)
This quote was supposedly from an interview of Quaid with Doon Campbell of Reuters, Munir didnt provide proper reference or date. Saleena extracted the real version from the original newspaper archives in UK, which reads:
But the Government of Pakistan can only be a popular representative and democratic form of Government. Its Parliament and Cabinet responsible to the Parliament will both be finally responsible to the electorate and the people in general without any distinction of caste, creed or sect, which will be the final deciding factor with regard to the policy and programme of the Government that may be adopted from time to time. (Only caste and creed are to be found in both versions, rest all is altered)
Contrast the following interview of Jinnah with the false quote produced by Munir:
But before [Jinnah] left a correspondent asked him: I presume from what you have said, Mr. Jinnah, that Pakistan will be a modern democratic state. Mr. Jinnah quickly replied: When did I ever say that? I never said anything to that effect. (Emphasis added) [Source: Hindustan Times, 14 July 1947 (NV Vol. VI, p. 276 fn)]
Finally, to seal the accusation that the outlook of Jinnah was purely secular - which is far from truth: in his address on 25 january 1948 (Yusufi Vol. IV p.2670), he said:
Islam is not only a set of rituals, traditions and spiritual doctrines. Islam is also a code for every Muslim which regulates his life and his conduct in even politics and economics and like. It is based on the highest principles of honour, integrity, fairplay and justice for. One God and the equality of manhood is one of the fundamental principles of Islam.
This is a clear-cut antithesis of secularism as an ideological and political philosophy.
Three-piece argument: Cornerstone of secular discourse
Based on the false quote, Munir developed the following three-piece argument to prove that Jinnah wanted a secular Pakistan (when in fact he had relegated the privilege of determining the form of government to the people):
Munir quote rejects the clause in the Objective Resolution that sovereignty belongs to Allah on the assumption that Quaid advocated sovereignty of people.
He takes Jinnahs 11 August 1947 speech to clearly proves that he wanted a secular Pakistan
He takes Jinnahs anti-theocracy statements as ample proof for his vision of a secular Pakistan
Since Munirs quote is false, we are left with the other two parts which only prove that the Quaid did not want a sectarian, Church kind of government of exclusivist elites, be it a particular sect or else. This is why in 11 August 1947s speech was given to send a message that a Hindu would have same rights as a citizen as a Muslim; this is why he opposed theocracy because it precludes participation of people in running the affairs of the country.
Munirs Legacy: the Butterfly Effect
The false quote attributed to Jinnah and/or three-piece argument which has been repeated blindly by as many Islamophobic secularists as possible. These included such top-notch anti-Islamic-state-scholars as following (p. 74, Secular Jinnah 2010):
Ayesha Jalal, The Sole Spokesman
Ishtiaq Ahmed (a professor) in a journal article
Pervez A Hoodbhoy & Ahmed Hameed Nayyar in the paper Rewriting the History of Pakistan (revisionism posing as scholarship)
Abdus Sattar Ghazzali (a journalist) in his book Islamic Pakistan: Illusions and Reality
(late) Ardeshir Cowasjee in his book Back to Jinnah
Saleena has added a special appendix which lists all works which have utilized the quote.
A Birds-eye-view: Chapter-wise
First chapter is a biographical essay on Jinnahs transformation from being an Indian (and then Muslim) a politician to not being an Indian. Its a 30-page long, gradual, step-by-step examination of Jinnahs pre-partition political career, his worldview, his influences, and also how he was influenced by thoughts and comments of Iqbal. In short, Quaid believed in a purely non-sectarian, non-theocratic, Islamic world-view. Second chapter is the heart of the book: a full exposition of Munirs hoax. The third and fourth chapter deal with the controversy surrounding Objectives Resolution before and after the Munir report (which contained false quote), respectively. The next chapter is also of central importance to the thesis of the book: how one false quote has influenced and gave life to pro-secularist camp - something the author calls, the butterfly effect. In her essay on 1940 resolution she terms it as deferred secession and disproves the allegations that it was a mere bargaining counter by quoting extensively from wide range references to Quaid (and Iqbal as well).
Then, she spends pages on Jinnahs position on the Pakistan idea, in terms of both the terrestrial and ideological aspects. Much of this information - regarding Quaids instance on not partitioning Punjab and Bengal - is known to many of us already; however it is crucial in dispelling many wrong charges on Jinnah of communalism, provincialism and the carnage that took place in the aftermath of the very partition that Quaid opposed. On ideological plane, ample evidence is given which prove beyond a shadow of doubt that the foundation of Quaids worldview, and by extension that of Pakistan, was based on Islam. Islamic ideals were to be at the heart of political, social and institutional organization in the new country in the eyes of all founding fathers and mothers.
Chapter 9, Lahore to Dehli, is a story of how one man - M Ali Jinnah - led Muslims all over India not only as a politician, but also as an organizer, educator, media man, salesman, and think tank for Pakistan, who above all organized Muslims politically and institutionally (by setting up various committees comprising of many well-qualified, non-Muslim league professionals).
In congruence with the false quote, secular academia has reconstructed a mythical image of Quaid and his ideology. Author of the book has exposed each of these myths extensively in chapter 10
Iqbal & Jinnah: Two faces of a same coin
Since the ideas of Iqbal - about Islam and Muslim politics - are the heart of Pakistan, Saleena has spent a whole chapter elucidating Iqbals view and critique of secularism in favor of Islamic statehood. Secular propaganda machinery either tries to overlook this bond, or disapproves of it. One major problem with Church experience in Europe has been sectarianism. In chapter 6, writer graciously makes use of works of Dr Javed Iqbal to explain the importance of word deen which is used in Quran as opposed to word mazhab (which, according to J Iqbal, is used in the sense of individual faith, currently). Deen is like a sea in which all of us swim regardless of our differences, without relinquishing our ability to mutually deal with what is clearly outside of deen. To a purely secularist mind, dualism between worldly and spiritual affairs (represented by word religion) remains there, which in Islamic perspective doesnt exist as such.
Conclusion
Saleenas work is certainly a very reliable, resourceful and rigorous critique of secular establishment of misconstruction and tampering of Pakistani history. It has been welcomed and praised by many scholars of distinction. It has upheld what more than 90% of Pakistanis have upheld for more than 90% of time since Pakistan took its first breath: Jinnah, Iqbal Muslim League and above Muslim masses wanted a non-sectarian homeland for Muslims based on unique Islamic ideals against a secular, atheistic, nationalist worldview which dominated the world then and continues to do so. The strength of the work - which can hardly be overlooked - is painstaking effort at referencing every tiny bit of information. Thus, on the foundation of sound and correct premises has she built her arguments!
Muhammad Umer Toor is a wanna-be philosopher in distant future. Based in Lahore, with a BSc in Business, he blogs at[url]www.toorumer.blogspot.com[/url].* He can be reached at i.umer.toor@gmail.com