ziaulislam
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Banana 🍌 republic of Pakistan
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fisher1
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We don’t have money for elections, what will change anyway if elections are held today or a year later.
Same corrupt politicians blaming previous governments and taking IMF loans. Just faces change their deeds are same
Same corrupt politicians blaming previous governments and taking IMF loans. Just faces change their deeds are same
ziaulislam
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Riz
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Money kisi k bap ki nhi awam ki ha , people wants elections they dont wana see the ugly faces of gay headquarter company and their dogs PDM
No I wouldn't call Banana republic - its wayy sounds too formal for corporate people.
More like Dalaas of highest bidder who sells their Mothers Daughter sisters for a quick buck,
Similiar to village Vadera who makes his people work for him by blackmailing everyone in people families.
Even Africans worst economic hit nations have more credit than these Brainless headless Prime Minister,
More like Dalaas of highest bidder who sells their Mothers Daughter sisters for a quick buck,
Similiar to village Vadera who makes his people work for him by blackmailing everyone in people families.
Even Africans worst economic hit nations have more credit than these Brainless headless Prime Minister,
ziaulislam
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Agree we should suspend elections for 20 years.
We can rename maryum as Queen Nawaz II and then hand over the govt to juanid safdar and call him Nawaz sharif the great III.
We can save billions in parliament and Senate elections
This money can be used to build small dams
Currently out developmental budget of 1200 Billion rupees is too small to hold two provincial elections
fisher1
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You joke but it will probably happen. Or maybe it will be Tyrian white or whatever Niazi’s sons are called that will rule us.
Pakistan has been ruled by few dynasties and its fate decided by few. Either Sharifs, Niazis, Bhuttos, they all go to same colleges, date each other then come to rule us pretend to hate each other while they marry each other.
22 crore Pakistanis and the most corrupt, the biggest liars, the UK residents get to rule. Wah wah.
ziaulislam
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Looks its logical to save money via not doing elections
We can save even more by simply making corps commanders as our division chiefs and Hafiz sahab as our chief executive
Imagine the amount of money saved by firing all DC/ac and 1000s of other elected members.
Also to give it international credibility we should give power to maryum Nawaz. If juanid is unacceptable to you in 20 yrs we can hand over the symbolic power to aseefa Bhutto.
Thai will create a balance between people who adore maryum Nawaz (like you and me) and those who love aseefa.
ghazi52
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..,.,.,
Azwar Shakeel
February 20, 2023
A fundamental change in any order of life has an overarching impact on everything around it. Let’s take the example of human encroachment in animal habitats. Development in a forest, by cutting down trees and the construction of a building, affects animal behaviours and patterns.
A permanent change like this forces the animals to adapt. Predators and prey get squeezed closer together, and encounters between them increase. Territorial animals fight for space. Animals lower in the food chain develop additional survival instincts. Some species go extinct, others grow in abundance.
The change embeds itself in the fabric of society, causing behaviour patterns to evolve. The same theory applies to economics, politics, or any other field of life for that matter. It is in this context that we must think of institutional change.
Commenting on the army, he targeted Ayub Khan, Ziaul Haq, and Pervez Musharraf for abrogating the Constitution. The army as a whole, according to him, commanded respect. Justice Isa’s remarks indicated that the problems facing institutions in Pakistan can be fixed with a change in leadership or personnel and are therefore, temporary. However, individuals are only the tip of the iceberg, and blaming them for issues that are institutional in nature is a very myopic approach.
After all, what are people, if not a product of the institutions they belong to. A rotten apple may spoil the barrel, but can we legitimately expect to pluck a ripe fresh apple from a tree that is rotten from its roots to the leaf. Contrarily, like the chicken and egg conundrum, one may also argue that it takes a person to corrupt an institution, and not the other way around.
But think of it this way. Is Pakistan the only country in the world whose institutions have been led by corrupt individuals?
Strong institutions develop mechanisms to self-correct and weed out corruption while weak institutions struggle to find equilibrium once veered off course. Ask yourself whether you expect institutions such as the army, police, judiciary or the National Accountability Bureau (NAB) to start acting with impartiality and objectivity simply by replacing their leadership. The obvious answer to the question is no, and any expectations to the contrary, while optimistic, have not stood the test of time.
For example, there was wide ranging scepticism over Gen Qamar Jawed Bajwa’s remark during his farewell speech that the army had decided to stop interfering in politics. Now, there is pressure on Gen Asim Munir’s new leadership to restore faith and confidence in the army after the excesses of the Bajwa doctrine. But few expect the army to stay within its constitutionally defined limits.
Such is the nature of deep-rooted institutional corruption. It takes more than just a change in leadership to fix the rot.
However, his arrest did not lead to a drop in drugs or violence. In fact, it demonstrated how disposable any single person is to the larger machinations of the narco-state. The kingpin strategy employed by the US and Mexican authorities to target cartels via their leaders failed miserably. As cartels evolved from mini-monopolies to institutional organisations, a top-down approach did not work.
While the authorities were busy removing kingpins, groups fractured and new ones emerged. Smaller gangs and local militias began to gain more power. Older cartels expanded internationally and decentralised. Sinaloa, El Chapo’s cartel, now has a presence in 54 countries. Its money laundering network spans industries ranging from dairy to banking to manufacturing and distribution.
Corruption in Mexico happens at a lower level amongst police and politicians who give safe passage to cartels in return for hefty pay-outs. Guzman is only just the face of the operations.
Similarly, the election of a tough-on-crime president in Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, who took office in December 2018, had close to no effect on drug violence and crime. Corruption is institutional in nature, and the cartels have learnt to use that to their advantage.
If Justice Isa was right, the ascendancy of President Lopez, or the removal of El Chapo would have a definitive impact on the operation of drug cartels. The reality is, however, quite different. Experts say that Mexico’s anti-corruption efforts have been unsuccessful, and homicide rates continue to hover around record levels.
Multiple narratives have been created over the years to explain Pakistan’s economic and governance woes. In an excellent essay written for the Woodrow Wilson Centre, Dr Ishrat Husain explains how factors such as security and terrorism, inflows of foreign assistance, preferences for military rule, the external economic environment, and the diversion of public expenditure have all been used as scapegoats to explain Pakistan’s economic downturn in recent decades.
While they may have played some role, according to Dr Husain, “they were not the main detriment of this poor performance. The answer to this riddle lies in the institutions of governance.”
Governance is directly linked to institutions. According to a World Bank study, governance is defined as “all aspects of the exercise of authority through formal and informal institutions in the management of the resource endowments of a state”.
Therefore, weak institutions lead to poor governance, which leads to poor economic growth. An IMF study found that governance had a statistically significant impact on GDP and income per capita. Similarly, research reveals that economic and social reforms will not have their intended effect unless they are preceded by institutional reforms.
Unfortunately, Pakistan performs poorly on all indicators of strong institutions and good governance, which include income inequality, GDP, and income per capita, workforce skills, inclusiveness, economic opportunities, and access to institutions that deliver public goods and services.
Dr Husain argues that poor governance manifested in weak institutions is the predominant explanation for the unsatisfactory economic and social performance of Pakistan over the last quarter of the century. He adds that the quality, robustness, and responsiveness of institutions of governance must be improved in order to ensure that economic and social policies can translate into a rise in incomes and equitable distribution of benefits.
He proposes key institutions that can be restructured and strengthened, as summarised below:
In order to restore the ideal civil-military balance, civilian institutions will have to restore their governance capacity and the military will have to stay within its constitutionally defined limits.
That, combined with institutional reforms, can set us toward a path to recovery. Unless that happens, we will continue to churn out selective reforms that benefit the influential elites, while the gap between the rich and poor continues to widen.
We have reformist plans and ideas. Missing in action is the willpower by those who stand to benefit from the status quo to implement them.
The writer is a lawyer based in Lahore. He tweets @azwarshakeel12
The answer to Pakistan’s governance issues lies in institutional reforms, not change in leadership
We have reformist plans and ideas. Missing in action is the willpower by those who stand to benefit from the status quo to implement them.Azwar Shakeel
February 20, 2023
A fundamental change in any order of life has an overarching impact on everything around it. Let’s take the example of human encroachment in animal habitats. Development in a forest, by cutting down trees and the construction of a building, affects animal behaviours and patterns.
A permanent change like this forces the animals to adapt. Predators and prey get squeezed closer together, and encounters between them increase. Territorial animals fight for space. Animals lower in the food chain develop additional survival instincts. Some species go extinct, others grow in abundance.
The change embeds itself in the fabric of society, causing behaviour patterns to evolve. The same theory applies to economics, politics, or any other field of life for that matter. It is in this context that we must think of institutional change.
‘Criticise individuals, not institutions’
In his speech at the 2022 Asma Jahangir conference, Justice Qazi Faez Isa urged the public to criticise individuals, not institutions, for the ills facing Pakistan. “Judge us as judges, condemn me as a judge, do not condemn the Supreme Court,” Justice Isa said. He placed blame on Justice Muhammad Munir, Anwarul Haq, and Irshad Hassan Khan for bringing disrepute to the Supreme Court.Commenting on the army, he targeted Ayub Khan, Ziaul Haq, and Pervez Musharraf for abrogating the Constitution. The army as a whole, according to him, commanded respect. Justice Isa’s remarks indicated that the problems facing institutions in Pakistan can be fixed with a change in leadership or personnel and are therefore, temporary. However, individuals are only the tip of the iceberg, and blaming them for issues that are institutional in nature is a very myopic approach.
After all, what are people, if not a product of the institutions they belong to. A rotten apple may spoil the barrel, but can we legitimately expect to pluck a ripe fresh apple from a tree that is rotten from its roots to the leaf. Contrarily, like the chicken and egg conundrum, one may also argue that it takes a person to corrupt an institution, and not the other way around.
But think of it this way. Is Pakistan the only country in the world whose institutions have been led by corrupt individuals?
Strong institutions develop mechanisms to self-correct and weed out corruption while weak institutions struggle to find equilibrium once veered off course. Ask yourself whether you expect institutions such as the army, police, judiciary or the National Accountability Bureau (NAB) to start acting with impartiality and objectivity simply by replacing their leadership. The obvious answer to the question is no, and any expectations to the contrary, while optimistic, have not stood the test of time.
For example, there was wide ranging scepticism over Gen Qamar Jawed Bajwa’s remark during his farewell speech that the army had decided to stop interfering in politics. Now, there is pressure on Gen Asim Munir’s new leadership to restore faith and confidence in the army after the excesses of the Bajwa doctrine. But few expect the army to stay within its constitutionally defined limits.
Such is the nature of deep-rooted institutional corruption. It takes more than just a change in leadership to fix the rot.
A failed approach
This point can be more perfectly illustrated with the 2016 capture of Joaquin Guzman Loera, a high-profile Mexican drug kingpin, popularly known around the world as El Chapo. Guzman was extradited to the US where he was eventually convicted.However, his arrest did not lead to a drop in drugs or violence. In fact, it demonstrated how disposable any single person is to the larger machinations of the narco-state. The kingpin strategy employed by the US and Mexican authorities to target cartels via their leaders failed miserably. As cartels evolved from mini-monopolies to institutional organisations, a top-down approach did not work.
While the authorities were busy removing kingpins, groups fractured and new ones emerged. Smaller gangs and local militias began to gain more power. Older cartels expanded internationally and decentralised. Sinaloa, El Chapo’s cartel, now has a presence in 54 countries. Its money laundering network spans industries ranging from dairy to banking to manufacturing and distribution.
Corruption in Mexico happens at a lower level amongst police and politicians who give safe passage to cartels in return for hefty pay-outs. Guzman is only just the face of the operations.
Similarly, the election of a tough-on-crime president in Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, who took office in December 2018, had close to no effect on drug violence and crime. Corruption is institutional in nature, and the cartels have learnt to use that to their advantage.
If Justice Isa was right, the ascendancy of President Lopez, or the removal of El Chapo would have a definitive impact on the operation of drug cartels. The reality is, however, quite different. Experts say that Mexico’s anti-corruption efforts have been unsuccessful, and homicide rates continue to hover around record levels.
The right approach to institutional reforms
The first and most important step in reforming our institutions is to recognise that the issue is in fact institutional in nature.Multiple narratives have been created over the years to explain Pakistan’s economic and governance woes. In an excellent essay written for the Woodrow Wilson Centre, Dr Ishrat Husain explains how factors such as security and terrorism, inflows of foreign assistance, preferences for military rule, the external economic environment, and the diversion of public expenditure have all been used as scapegoats to explain Pakistan’s economic downturn in recent decades.
While they may have played some role, according to Dr Husain, “they were not the main detriment of this poor performance. The answer to this riddle lies in the institutions of governance.”
Governance is directly linked to institutions. According to a World Bank study, governance is defined as “all aspects of the exercise of authority through formal and informal institutions in the management of the resource endowments of a state”.
Therefore, weak institutions lead to poor governance, which leads to poor economic growth. An IMF study found that governance had a statistically significant impact on GDP and income per capita. Similarly, research reveals that economic and social reforms will not have their intended effect unless they are preceded by institutional reforms.
Unfortunately, Pakistan performs poorly on all indicators of strong institutions and good governance, which include income inequality, GDP, and income per capita, workforce skills, inclusiveness, economic opportunities, and access to institutions that deliver public goods and services.
Dr Husain argues that poor governance manifested in weak institutions is the predominant explanation for the unsatisfactory economic and social performance of Pakistan over the last quarter of the century. He adds that the quality, robustness, and responsiveness of institutions of governance must be improved in order to ensure that economic and social policies can translate into a rise in incomes and equitable distribution of benefits.
Road to recovery
Banking on his years of experience and expertise, Dr Husain proposes a practical long-term reform agenda focused on certain essential ingredients. These include a reform of the electoral process, more intra-party democracy, devolution of power, capacity building of the civil service, overhaul of the whole value chain of the administration of justice, transparency in government affairs, stronger parliamentary committees, and decentralisation of power from the prime minister and provincial chief ministers.He proposes key institutions that can be restructured and strengthened, as summarised below:
- Institutions associated with market governance — State Bank of Pakistan, Higher Education Commission, Securities and Exchange Commission of Pakistan, Federal Board of Revenue and the Competition Commission of Pakistan — should have the potential to enable private businesses to operate without hassle or high costs of transactions in a competitive environment.
- Institutions associated with the administration of justice — judiciary, police, Federal Investigation Agency, National Counterterrorism Agency and prosecution departments — should have the ability to provide security of life and property to common citizens to ensure expeditious and financially affordable justice.
- Institutions of transparency, accountability, and oversight — parliamentary committees, National Accountability Bureau, Election Commission of Pakistan and Auditor General of Pakistan — should have the ability to take timely action without fear or favour against those indulging in malfeasance, corruption, or the misuse of public office.
- Institutions promoting equity — State Bank of Pakistan, Benazir Income Support Programme and local government — should have the ability to strengthen the capacity of those who do not have the capacity and skills to fully participate in market-based economic activities.
- Institutions associated with the delivery of services — Irrigation Authorities, Urban Development Authorities, National Vocational Council and Technical Education Commission — should have the potential to provide efficient and non-discriminatory access to basic public goods and services such as education, healthcare, water, and sanitation.
In order to restore the ideal civil-military balance, civilian institutions will have to restore their governance capacity and the military will have to stay within its constitutionally defined limits.
That, combined with institutional reforms, can set us toward a path to recovery. Unless that happens, we will continue to churn out selective reforms that benefit the influential elites, while the gap between the rich and poor continues to widen.
We have reformist plans and ideas. Missing in action is the willpower by those who stand to benefit from the status quo to implement them.
The writer is a lawyer based in Lahore. He tweets @azwarshakeel12
ziaulislam
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We need to stop this fight and unite in our love for Nawaz sharif and maryum Nawaz
Riz
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whole nation is united to see maryam nawaz as PM of chaklistan
well put.
Pak elite - this is your entire political circle and general establishment.
Revolving credit never solves the problem. Next, if you did get aid or loans, what is the measurable ROI. Nothing.
You need a very strict ruler like Sadam to line up the elites and make them cough up the dough. Impose heavy taxes on all imports. It is over 70 yrs and you are still having a begging bowl.
It was in 70s' - we were doing really worse. Our late president - he imposed socialism chinese style - it totally screwed our entire country and displaced population. FInally in mid 80s he stepped down and we started to see change and good governance started to come in; while we did not have multi-party democracy - the mere fact - good goverance is not dependent on democracy.
If we just see the passport travel index, Pak is even below Tanzania. Our people have no desire to relocate but choose to do the best internally and in neighbouring areas. Many years back we used to look in envy of Kenya. Now, the situation has reversed.
Until a stick is taken and the elites are either thrown into the rivers and generals taught a lesson that they must answer to the constitution and the head of the country nothing will change. Coups etc and interference are paramount to treason; the penalty for treason is hanging.
You get poor people put on death penalty for the idiotic blasphemy law -- yet the generals and elites ... live and impose their boots on the necks of people who are dying of hunger and poverty.
Unfortunately, I may be wrong, Pakistanis are fractured nation. They just dont have the balls to rise up and beat the day lights out of the army and the feudals.
Land re-distribution is a must to get rid of the feudals.
People still have not recovered from flooding and yet your PM is in Turkey kissing Erdogan's boots. I mean, wtf is wrong .... Noone in the streets to tell him what kind of moron is he. I mean his niece ... she has had massive plastic jobs ... cant even smile....
Papa and baby?
ziaulislam
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