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FEW years ago Bill Clinton called the Kashmir valley ââ¬Åthe most dangerous place in the worldââ¬Â. Since then, no great change.
The war continues. Tortuous peace negotiations have been grinding on (and off) since 2003 between India and Pakistan, nuclear-armed neighbours contesting sovereignty of the divided territory. The best you can say at times is that a tedious and seemingly ineffectual search for peace beats no search at all.
According to a conservative tally by the Institute of Conflict Management, a Delhi think-tank, 1,116 people died in ââ¬Återrorist violenceââ¬Â in Indian-administered Kashmir last year. That is not bloodshed on the scale of Iraq, or Afghanistan or Sri Lanka―or of Kashmir itself in a bad year, such as 2001, when 4,507 died. But it is a far cry from peace.
Hopes have risen and fallen often enough before. But still, just now, the peace process is entering, as it does from time to time, a potentially fertile stage.
At the weekend Pranab Mukherjee, Indiaââ¬â¢s foreign minister, is off to Islamabad. The faltering dialogue between India and Pakistan is resuming.
It had come close to collapse in July after India accused Pakistan of involvement in a bombing of the Mumbai train network, killing almost 200.
The dialogue was rescued when Pakistanââ¬â¢s leader, Pervez Musharraf, and Indiaââ¬â¢s prime minister, Manmohan Singh, met in Havana in September. They agreed on the need for a ââ¬Åjoint mechanismââ¬Â to combat terrorismââ¬âthe diplomatic equivalent of talking to your neighbour even while youââ¬â¢re accusing him of blowing up your house.
Since then there have been back-channel talks in which, if the leaks are to be believed, the two sides have been exchanging ideas on a ââ¬Åsolutionââ¬Â to the core dispute, over Kashmir.
A solution may not be as far away as is often assumed. As a leading opponent of Indian rule in Kashmir confessed in 2003, ââ¬Åeverybody knows India has won.ââ¬Â
Put another way, everybody knows that a solution will look very much like the status quo. India will not pursue its claim to the parts of historic Kashmir controlled by Pakistan and China. In return, it will expect Pakistan to renounce its claim to the Indian state of Jammu & Kashmir, including the 5m, mostly Muslim, population of the Kashmir Valley.
General Musharraf has come very close at times to accepting this, saying he is ready to look for a solution within the parameters Mr Singh has set, including no redrawing of boundaries.
The trick, both men say, is to make those boundaries irrelevant. This could be achieved by ââ¬Åsofteningââ¬Â the borders, introducing some jointly-run institutions, and increasing ââ¬Åself-governanceââ¬Â (which General Musharraf, not a scholar of Greek, sees as somehow distinct from ââ¬Åautonomyââ¬Â). In other words, Indian concessions would dress up the status quo in a new guise.
Seen like this, peace looks tantalisingly close. But there are at least three big obstacles.
First, some in Pakistan will go on wanting to fuel the insurgency, not for its chances of success, but because its continuation ties down half the Indian army at little cost to Pakistan.
Second, hawks in India seem more interested in dragging out the talks than in contemplating real concessions. As the separatist who conceded Indiaââ¬â¢s victory put it, ââ¬Åthere will be no dignified way out. It will be a humiliating way out.ââ¬Â
Third, that last politicianââ¬â¢s weary cynicism reflects the alienation felt by many within the valley. Looking for peace in Islamabad is important. But it will only be found in Kashmir itself.
http://www.economist.com/daily/columns/asiaview/displaystory.cfm?story_id=8513648
FEW years ago Bill Clinton called the Kashmir valley ââ¬Åthe most dangerous place in the worldââ¬Â. Since then, no great change.
The war continues. Tortuous peace negotiations have been grinding on (and off) since 2003 between India and Pakistan, nuclear-armed neighbours contesting sovereignty of the divided territory. The best you can say at times is that a tedious and seemingly ineffectual search for peace beats no search at all.
According to a conservative tally by the Institute of Conflict Management, a Delhi think-tank, 1,116 people died in ââ¬Återrorist violenceââ¬Â in Indian-administered Kashmir last year. That is not bloodshed on the scale of Iraq, or Afghanistan or Sri Lanka―or of Kashmir itself in a bad year, such as 2001, when 4,507 died. But it is a far cry from peace.
Hopes have risen and fallen often enough before. But still, just now, the peace process is entering, as it does from time to time, a potentially fertile stage.
At the weekend Pranab Mukherjee, Indiaââ¬â¢s foreign minister, is off to Islamabad. The faltering dialogue between India and Pakistan is resuming.
It had come close to collapse in July after India accused Pakistan of involvement in a bombing of the Mumbai train network, killing almost 200.
The dialogue was rescued when Pakistanââ¬â¢s leader, Pervez Musharraf, and Indiaââ¬â¢s prime minister, Manmohan Singh, met in Havana in September. They agreed on the need for a ââ¬Åjoint mechanismââ¬Â to combat terrorismââ¬âthe diplomatic equivalent of talking to your neighbour even while youââ¬â¢re accusing him of blowing up your house.
Since then there have been back-channel talks in which, if the leaks are to be believed, the two sides have been exchanging ideas on a ââ¬Åsolutionââ¬Â to the core dispute, over Kashmir.
A solution may not be as far away as is often assumed. As a leading opponent of Indian rule in Kashmir confessed in 2003, ââ¬Åeverybody knows India has won.ââ¬Â
Put another way, everybody knows that a solution will look very much like the status quo. India will not pursue its claim to the parts of historic Kashmir controlled by Pakistan and China. In return, it will expect Pakistan to renounce its claim to the Indian state of Jammu & Kashmir, including the 5m, mostly Muslim, population of the Kashmir Valley.
General Musharraf has come very close at times to accepting this, saying he is ready to look for a solution within the parameters Mr Singh has set, including no redrawing of boundaries.
The trick, both men say, is to make those boundaries irrelevant. This could be achieved by ââ¬Åsofteningââ¬Â the borders, introducing some jointly-run institutions, and increasing ââ¬Åself-governanceââ¬Â (which General Musharraf, not a scholar of Greek, sees as somehow distinct from ââ¬Åautonomyââ¬Â). In other words, Indian concessions would dress up the status quo in a new guise.
Seen like this, peace looks tantalisingly close. But there are at least three big obstacles.
First, some in Pakistan will go on wanting to fuel the insurgency, not for its chances of success, but because its continuation ties down half the Indian army at little cost to Pakistan.
Second, hawks in India seem more interested in dragging out the talks than in contemplating real concessions. As the separatist who conceded Indiaââ¬â¢s victory put it, ââ¬Åthere will be no dignified way out. It will be a humiliating way out.ââ¬Â
Third, that last politicianââ¬â¢s weary cynicism reflects the alienation felt by many within the valley. Looking for peace in Islamabad is important. But it will only be found in Kashmir itself.
http://www.economist.com/daily/columns/asiaview/displaystory.cfm?story_id=8513648